Malafide in every sense

Pakistan and India must realise that democracy is not on their side when they lay their respective claims on Kashmir

Does it occur to anybody that the most beautiful place on earth could also be the most economically viable? That this hasn't dawned on most people around the globe is simply due to malafide intent. We can all draw our own conclusions as to who is responsible for how much of our current economic suppression and imposition of a false economy.

Jehangir's (aka Saleem of Anarkali fame) words stand out in the annals of history. My thanks to Tariq Ali for his take on events throughout the history of this region. I take the following from his mesmerising narrative: “‘The buildings of Kashmir are all of wood,’ the Mughal Emperor Jehangir wrote in his memoirs in March 1622.’ Surveying the lakes and waterfalls, roses, irises and jasmine, he described the valley as ‘a page that the painter of destiny had drawn with the pencil of creation’."

"When the Muslim poet and philosopher Iqbal(RA), himself of Kashmiri origin, visited Srinagar in 1921, he left behind a subversive couplet which spread around the country:"

'In the bitter chill of winter shivers his naked body

Whose skill wraps the rich in royal shawls'

Returning to 2011, Pakistan and India must realise that democracy is not on their side when they lay their respective claims on Kashmir. For those of us who live on the east wing of the LoC, a debate has already matured about the manner and means in which public representation is sifted. Their co-citizens west (of the LoC) are only just beginning to reach the age of political puberty.

The forthcoming PaK Assembly elections would do no more than replay a brutally over-played record, agonisingly called self-determination. The stance of most nationalist politicians (in PaK) has been as much reactionary as it is bizarre. Their decision to enter the election fray is much too little, way way too late.

What many lawyers in the State of PaK describe as 'An Act of Slavery' - viz. The AJK Interim Constitution Act 1974 - and which herds the population of PaK into a pro-Pakistani camp, irrespective of their ability to think otherwise: Nationalist parties have suddenly surmised that there is no alternative but to barter their conscience and sign a pledge to promote "Kashmir's accession to Pakistan". Their 'all is lost' assumption that an election campaign will enable them to promote the 'National Question' is demonstrative of their lack of work on civil society development.    

Parvez Hoodbhoy, Professor at the Department of Physics at Quaid-e-Azam University in Islamabad, describes Pakistan’s collective psychosis as being 'painful to behold'. That psychosis is evident in Pakistan's charmed political representative in PaK, Sardar Attique Ahmed Khan. Watching him rap a well-rehearsed lesson from GHQ (or even GOC Murree) across prime-time Pakistani TV stations, was not only reminiscent of his father; it also reminded one of madrassa learning by rote, as Attique rocked back and forth in his TV studio chair.

Yasin Malik has repeatedly expressed that the past six decades have delivered nothing for Kashmir. Many MLAs of this (PaK) Assembly that proudly promotes the kalima (much like Pakistan's National Assembly) as it's defining logo, have expressed privately that the 'Kashmir Issue' is a business. 

For Pakistan, it has the gilt-edged benefits of engaging India and the international community while it economically consolidates it's presence in 'Azad Kashmir'. With each Assembly election, Pakistan's grip is tightened. With each diplomatic foray, it's relevance in Kashmir is refreshed. The question is: Can Pakistan continue to conduct what one prominent journalist in Muzaffarabad describes as "a fake process"?

That Pakistan's responsibilities under UNCIP resolutions to enable 'good governance' have consistently been unheard, in virtually every other act that it has conducted which requires public consultation, procedure has not followed. The people of PaK have been inundated with a false sense of superiority-vis-a-vis Pakistan's image in the outside world - and the Pakistani State has acted ruthlessly in quelling intellectual dissent. Economic suffocation is followed by targeted assasination. The examples of Mirwaiz Moulvi Muhammad Farooq, Abdul Gani Lone and JKLF ideologue Prof. Abdul Ahad Wani are glaring examples east of the LoC.  

Far from tolerating the delusions of some ISI colonel, the people of PaK sense their suffocation (economic, cultural as well as intellectual) and they are rapidly recognising the futility of an AJK Assembly that addresses the 'National Question' in an archaic and jingoistic manner. The PaK Prime Minister is still prone to referring to Hindus in a derogatory manner and threatening nuclear annhilation in the region, if talks fail to bear fruit for Pakistan. 

Deceiving the people of Gilgit Baltistan about opening the route from Astor (in Gilgit Baltistan) to Shonter Pass (in ‘Azad Kashmir’) is further vindication that our political representatives do not represent our interests, they represent the colonial interests of our neighbours.

One can delve deeper into the kleptocacy that is PaK politics by analysing how people in positions of responsibility conceal their paperwork from the public. In line with other political structures in the region, no one starts any work till they have figured out who will pocket how much and how they'll siphon it off. When Human Rights Watch published their 23,000 word report on September the 21st in 2006 about ‘Azad Kashmir’ – tantalisingly entitled, "With friends like these..." - one had hope that transparency would ensue.

The following paragraph from the report, still leaves us pretty much where we were then:

"Information, particularly about the human rights situation, governance, the rule of law and the institutions that hold real power in Azad Kashmir is more important than ever as the territory rebuilds and, by necessity, opens up to the international community in the aftermath of the earthquake. In the coming years, international engagement with the territory is likely to be intense. For that engagement to be effective and beneficial to the people of ‘Azad Kashmir’, it is essential that international actors approach the territory with an awareness of its particular history and its fraught, often tense and unhappy relationship with the Pakistani state in general and the Pakistani military in particular."

Taking into account the frustrations involved whilst conducting research work in a disputed territory, obfuscating tactics on the part of the administration, were at times too painful to bear.

It leads one to explore the possibilities of 'outsourcing' governance. It seems anything that will modernise the system of administration looking after the needs of a population less than 3.5 million - in number - in a transparent, accountable and meritocratic manner is what the public is thirsting for. 

It's another matter that many of them are yet to formalise their opinions. An education system has left us ill-equipped for the modern-age. The magnificence of the virtues of informed public opinion integrated with modern communication technology is a power not yet obvious to the masses in PaK. How soon can civil society address this deficiency borne out of malafide intent?

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Author is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com  

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 5th of January 2011

Assembly Elections in AJK cannot take place in 2011

The following two paragraphs from a Human Rights Watch Report tantalisingly entitled, "With Friends Like These..." published on September the 21st 2006, are enough to support my assertion:

"Information, particularly about the human rights situation, governance, the rule of law, and the institutions that hold real power in Azad Kashmir is more important than ever as the territory rebuilds and, by necessity, opens up to the international community in the aftermath of the earthquake. In the coming years, international engagement with the territory is likely to be intense. For that engagement to be effective and beneficial to the people of Azad Kashmir, it is essential that international actors approach the territory with an awareness of its particular history and its fraught, often tense and unhappy relationship with the Pakistani state in general and the Pakistani military in particular.

Azad Kashmir is a legal anomaly.

According to United Nations (U.N.) resolutions dating back to 1948, Azad Kashmir is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a "local authority" with responsibility over the area assigned to it under a 1949 ceasefire agreement with India. It has remained in this state of legal limbo since that time. In practice, the Pakistani government in Islamabad, the Pakistani army and the Pakistani intelligence services (Inter-Services Intelligence, ISI) control all aspects of political life in Azad Kashmir – though "Azad" means "free," the residents of Azad Kashmir are anything but. Azad Kashmir is a land of strict curbs on political pluralism, freedom of expression, and freedom of association; a muzzled press; banned books; arbitrary arrest and detention and torture at the hands of the Pakistani military and the police; and discrimination against refugees from Jammu and Kashmir state. Singled out are Kashmiri nationalists who do not support the idea of Kashmir's accession to Pakistan. Anyone who wants to take part in public life has to sign a pledge of loyalty to Pakistan, while anyone who publicly supports or works for an independent Kashmir is persecuted. For those expressing independent or unpopular political views, there is a pervasive fear of Pakistani military and intelligence services – and of militant organizations acting at their behest or independently."

What terrorises Kashmir?

What does Kashmir need to do to make it plain to the world that it's own ethos is based on tolerance and plurality, in absolute consonance with it's tranquil environment. It could even be argued to be an antecedent of Indian secularism. 

The idea for the title of this week's column comes from the title of a piece written in the Wall Street Journal by Sadanand Dhume on Monday the 20th of December entitled, "What Terrorizes India?" A somewhat provocative piece analysing the relative de-merits and threat posed to India by extreme right-wing/fundamentalist Muslim and Hindu groups, clearly incensed by Rahul Gandhi's comment that the latter posed a much bigger threat to India than the former.

It could well be that India has or will develop the capacity to contain radicalism (whatever be it's origin): what is absolutely unclear is how Kashmiri society will put a stop to the haemorrhage that it has endured for the past sixty-three years on account of India and Pakistan's competing national identities?

What does Kashmir need to do to make it plain to the world that it's own ethos is based on tolerance and plurality, in absolute consonance with it's tranquil environment. It could even be argued to be an antecedent of Indian secularism. Thus, integrating into an Indian national identity that holds itself out as an appealing alternative to Pakistan's uncouth Islamic radicalism holds little water. Indeed. The growth of Islam in Kashmir  has been markedly different from how it has developed in the Indian sub-continent. A healthy spiritual undercurrent in the shape of sufism found absolute harmony with Kashmir's cultural ethos. It is terrorising for Kashmir to be mired in a binary conflict with incessant push and pull tactics devised by India and Pakistan.

What exacerbates this onslaught of terror is how the 'international community' perceives the Kashmir problem. The U.S. and it's junior partner Britain, can not see Kashmir out of the context of their presence in Afghanistan, their reliance on Pakistan and their commmercial and strategic interests that depend on Indian favour. It is terrorising for a people who want to be immune from the conflict of their neighbours, to be faced with such heavy odds to attain the rights enshrined in the UN Charter. What is suffocation of civil space and repression of freedom for Kashmir, is the wrong end of a mere strategic calculation for the international community.

One is horrified to read America's reservations about an independent Kashmir: That it will become a bastion of 'Islamic terror'. It has made little effort to understand that all mechanisms of 'terror' have been imported or thrusted upon the people of Kashmir, they are certainly not indigenous or intrinsic. A neutral Kashmir would seek guarantees from the 'international community' that it's neighbours refrain from exporting conflict and it's associated ills to Kashmir.

Taking into account the limited change evoked by the India-Pakistan peace process and the international community's apathy, the consequent lack of incentive to 'shun the gun' is a terrorising thought. Further, that the 'international community' and global media give a celebrity status to activism for Tibet ( a la Richard Gere), give sustained focus to Tianenmen Square and find it expedient to devote personal attention to conflict in the oil rich gulf states. It is terrorising to think that oil (which is essentially replace-able) is given far more global attention than water (whch is essentially irreplace-able) and which can be easily foreseen to be the major source of future global conflict. Again, a neutral and responsible Kashmir could forestall such a scenario and save the world from un-ending strife.

Closer to home, our neighbours India and Pakistan are increasingly being accused by their respective civil societies of not working for their national interest. The presence of Indian, Pakistani and Chinese military on our soil is not just terrifying in terms of their presence, it is terrifying for their populations who make a direct connection of this phenomena with the paucity of resources left over - year on year - for their development. There are ample examples of Indian and Pakistani politicians grandstanding on the Kashmir issue in order to present a faux patriotic stance to their public. Misappropriation of funds earmarked by New Delhi and Islamabad for Kashmir's development by these very politicians (in conjunction with local lackeys) is a terrifying thought.

This stack of terror has a local dimension too. Realising that the attitude of many people (of the erstwhile Dogra State) hasn't changed an iota since the anarchy of October 1947 is foremost in one's mind. Debating on the relative 'merits' of Hindu or Muslim rule in Kashmir not only shows how much baggage we continue to carry from 1947, it highlights how little we understand what is needed for fulfilling our aspirations and potential for progress. The perennial 'religious identity' argument mires us deeper into an abyss.

Further fractures have been evolved by politicians, certainly on this side of the divide (viz. Pakistani-administered Kashmir) in the shape of caste (biraderi) based politics. It shouldn't be surprising that no party has ever proposed a political manifesto, let alone economic policy here. Those members of the public who resisted this superficial approach have been politically, economcally and socially ostracised, adding a direct layer of suppression and terror.

Yet another terrorising thought is the absence of a clear, unified and representative voice that could speak on behalf of all regions of the former State of Jammu and Kashmir. India and Pakistan have of course played their part in dividing opinion and their prevention of movement between the various regions from around 1948 to 2005 - despite no such prohibition imposed by UNCIP resolutions - is a glaring testimony to this view. 

A recent study by Robert Bradnock for Chatham House, not only confirmed a burning aspiration for independence (figure given was 43% overall but for some inexplicable reason ommitted various areas that are perceived to strongly support the notion of an independent Kashmir i.e The Neelam Valley), it also highlighted unemployment and corruption as the major concerns of the population on either side of the divide. It is terrorising to know that the public sector on both sides is heavily bloated, in an attempt to de-politicise the masses. Furthermore, minsicule support for Pakistani presence in Kashmir confirms the international community's blinkered supposition that India and Pakistan need to work together to resolve the 'Kashmir Issue'. Another terrorising thought.

One is of the opinion that Kashmir needs to be discussed and resolved by the respective countries that control each part under their administration. For example, Pakistan needs to discuss Kashmir with stakeholders that reside in the part of Kashmir that they control and vice versa for India. One would further contend that India and Pakistan talks on Kashmir would never lead to a resolution; certainly not a resolution that would satisfy all the diverse ethnic, regional and political thought that aggregates the 'disputed territory'.

It is important to remember that Kashmir was a profitable State in 1846 (hence, Ghulab Singh's payment to the British) and 164 years on, it has been relegated to an economic basket case, supposedly dependent on Islamabad and New Delhi's magnanimity. The fact that Kashmir's economy has not only been prevented from growing organically, it is clear to see that India, Pakistan and China's presence here is an on-going ordeal of terror.

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The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 29th of December 2010

Neele Gagan Ke Tale

Neelam or Kishenganga?

The binary system of one interest pitted against the other is played out between India and Pakistan on many fronts. Exchanging gunfire across the LOC is not quite passé yet but the war of attrition is now played out through a race to build hydro projects in the region. The net result in any event is huge human and ecological cost to Kashmir.

What started in Pakistani Administered Kashmir (PaK) as the 969 MW (Mega Watts) Neelam-Jhelum Hydro Project in January 2008 was 'countered' by the 330 MW Kishenganga Hydro Project in January 2009, a mere 70 kilometres upstream in Indian Administered Kashmir. The former with the assistance of American, Chinese and Norwegian firms whilst the latter is being built in conjunction with a British firm. Despite the Indus Basin Water Treaty of 1960 (without Kashmiri consultation - K.H. Khursheed was apparently sacked from the AJK presidency for his defiance) not permitting both projects to operate simultaneously, Kishenganga is set for completion in 2016 and Neelam-Jhelum in 2017.

Both projects were conceived more than twenty years ago (Neelam-Jhelum as early as 1982) and though ecological concerns are apparent with Kishenganga's proposed 103 metre reservoir submerging some parts of the Gurez Valley, the emphasis of this piece is to highlight some of the concerns of the AJK population and in particular the inhabitants of Muzaffarabad district. One would be eager to read something covering the same topic from the other side of the divide.

It should be made clear that Pakistan started this $2.16 Billion project without fulfilling basic environmental obligations required for such development projects. Neither did it consult the public of PaK or make any written agreement with the PaK Government. The project's Chief Executive is a retired General, Zubair, more attuned to firing bullets than presiding over a hydro-electric project. An environmental law enacted in 2000 has proved to be somewhat of a (belated) saviour for the people of PaK, as an NOC from AJK's EPA (Environmental Protection Agency) is required by law before the commencement of any infrastructure project in this territory, except that three years of work have been carried out before a public hearing to assess people's reservations has been conducted. The public hearing which took place this past Monday was requested by the EPA upon public demand last year.

It should be no surprise that the venue was packed with members of the public and lasted for over six hours. Each and every participant expressed serious reservations about the project and the panel of four Pakistanis (the General, an environmental analyst and two members of WAPDA- Pakistan's federal electricity board) was utterly inadequate in their attempt to appease the public. Even the South African Consultant (representing the American firm MWH) who they brought along to presumably give a colour of authenticity was evidently bemused at what he witnessed. His assertion that Rs 25 billion would be pumped into the AJK economy as a result of the project did little to allay people's concerns. 

The history of Mangla and the unfulfilled promises made by Pakistan in the 1960's is still fresh in people's minds. They understand that Pakistan is seriously deficient in meeting it's energy demands and that this project would be directly connected with Rawat or Gakhar Grid station (in Pakistan) through a 500KV double circuit transmission line. Free or subsidised electricity and zero load-shedding promised in the wake of Mangla Hydro Project looks to be repeated, albeit with some variations.

Persistent requests by the Pakistani panel to "trust us" ringed hollow, sounded clichéd and were bereft of rationale. They were startled somewhat by the level of awareness espoused by the public of PaK and the Kala Bagh Dam fiasco was cited as an example of Pakistan shifting its burden to a disputed territory, where it knew it had a pliant power structure ready to oblige it at any cost. What they under-estimated was the assertiveness of the public.

Pakistan's impression that the working models of old would suffice in pushing through their objectives have been repeatedly dashed in this age of communication technology, not just by Monday's public hearing but even by the reservations held out by the EPA. For example, when WAPDA initially submitted an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report in February 2009, it was found to be prepared in 1996. Its revised report presented in July 2010 still left much to be addressed in terms of combating environmental hazards of the project.

At the public hearing, some members of the public staged a walk-out in disgust at the panel's inability to answer their questions. The general employed both 'carrot and stick' in his attempt to calm the situation down. He employed sweet language by waxing lyrical about the number of years he had spent in PaK and privately warned a Project affectee to, "Remember who the Sardar is, never take a panga with the Sardar." The Sardar, of course, is referring to the Government of Pakistan.

It should be abundantly clear at this stage that Pakistan has embarked on this project using a procedure which is not only inherently flawed but back to front. For example, the sequence if one were to employ universal and civilised norms would have been to first consult the public, obtain their approval via debate in the AJK Assembly, fulfill all criteria related to protection of the environment (incidentally, our most prized asset in Kashmir), subsequently obtain an NOC from the EPA and finally address social, economic and political concerns by guaranteeing benefit to the local population in the shape of employment, skills and technology transfer.

In an effort to understand what drives such disasters, the war of attrition played out between India and Pakistan in Kashmir must be focused on and conscientious civil efforts must be devised by the public of Kashmir to immunise us from this conflict. Whether the Neelam-Jhelum Hydro Project will attain fruition is still far from certain.

Is it a matter of sacrificing our ecology and natural habitats for Pakistan's energy needs? or is it a matter of 'national interest' (viz. Pakistan's) where the Neelam-Jhelum project will give Pakistan some leverage in the Indus Basin arbitration process and forestall India's alleged attempts to divert the upstream river flow for it's own needs?

During the forum, this writer made it clear that the panel had provided an inadequate response to people's questions. The question of legality of Pakistan's activity was also raised. Where members of the public couched their criticism of the project by a feigned allegiance to Pakistan, one has always had the privilege of saying what he feels, unconstrained by any associated interest. In an attempt to define 'national interest', which was the underlying current of the Pakistani panel's response, nothing was forthcoming.

In response, yours truly requested the panel to ask major stakeholders in the Pakistani power structure (be they the military, bureaucracy, politicians or anyone else who stood responsible for Pakistan's decisions) to come to Muzaffarabad imminently and face questions from the AJK public in a similar hearing. Our region needs to move forward with a clear definition of our national interest and the direction that we need to take.

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The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 22nd of December 2010

This article was re-titled as "Power Politics" on December the 23rd 2010 by Vijay Sazawal, a Kashmiri Pandit living in the USA and running a website named Kashmirforum.org

He also commented that:
"Tanveer says in the battle for hydro-electric power, Pakistan has ignored environmental impacts"

The article can be read at the following link:

This article was also referenced in:

 'The Indus Equation' by Strategic Foresight Group - Mumbai in 2011

A ringed rail and road network

The future can only possibly be bright if we are immunised from the conflict of our neighbours. Despite it's heavy toll on our national expenditure and engineering prowess, it would pay dividends in the shape of easy mobility for citizens of the State, re-invigorate the concept of integrity, ease our custom/immigration process and - subject to a treaty with our neighbours and the international community - ward off external military intervention.

A circular rail and road network that juts the periphery and links each and every city of the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir. This network would not only identify the contours of what - to date - is described as a disputed territory but it would re-unite the geographic entity that existed till the 22nd of October 1947. Thereby, simplifying the national question of what direction citizens of a disputed territory divided by the physical presence of three neighbouring countries should take; on their path to progress and competition with an ever shrinking world. This would indeed constitute a re-development or a continuation (post-disruption) on what the British either deliberately or inadvertently facilitated between March 1846 and October 1947.

Indeed, the Indian Independence Act of 3rd June 1947 gave full cover for the continuation of a 'mulk' or in post-renaissance European parlance; a nation state, namely Jammu & Kashmir. Urges by Moundbatten, Gandhi and Jinnah to commit to one or the other dominion notwithstanding.

Before we embark on this new phase of existence which should be characterised by economic development and backed by a lucid structure of govenance, we need to understand the background to as well as the events which transpired in that fateful month of October (1947). How, in the space of five days (between the 22nd and the 27th), the adamantly independent-minded Maharaja's State was swamped with Indian and Pakistani soldiers, under the close watch and command of the remnants of the British Raj.

Unravelling what really happened in that month of ill-fortune is an immediate task of seekers of genuine history. It is equally possible that a clean narrative exists. In which case, yours truly needs to pull his socks up.

The question and indeed theory propounded by many a keen researcher, invariably points fingers at a selfish British motive to contain Soviet advancement into the Indian realm. It is questionable whether the cold war really involved such forward-planning at such an elementary stage, that it precipitated the split of what was essentially North India into West and East Pakistan. Simultaneously, the remainder of what was North India was 're-connected' administratively with South India, in continuation or rather an upgradation of how British India's governance functioned, minus the headache of princely states and the bulk of the muslim population of the region.

Others perceive partition to be a cunning diversion away from a possible backlash against the outgoing British and an accomplishment of British policy - post 1857 - to emphasise the seperate identities of Hindus and Muslims in the region. Utilising those fissures to subsequently divide the State of Jammu and Kashmir and give each of the dominions a share of the 'cake': thereby facilitating high budgetary expenses of both countries on defence (at the cost of development) to 'defend' the parts of the State (of Jammu and kashmir) under their control. It can be further argued that both countries -  post-independence - have bought a fair share of their military hardware and facilitated military/economic expansion of the 'West' in this region.

It is important at this juncture to not disclude the rights movement during the Dogra era which erupted at times during the 1880's and is most noted by the events in Srinagar on July the 13th 1931. Despite a majority of 80% Muslims throughout the State, Hindus are alleged to have been given preferences in jobs, business opportunity, education and land holdings. It is further alleged that the life of a Muslim was not equal before the law to that of a Hindu. There is certainly evidence of Muslim government servant's pay being lower than that of an equivalently placed Hindu. To use a proverbial cliche, the final straw that broke the camel's back could be Hari Singh's decision to dis-arm all Muslims once he got wind of an impending tribal attack from Pakistan's North-West Frontier Province in October 1947.

The psyche that accompanied the two-nation theory definitely played it's part in formenting the genocide that took place in this territory (on all sides of the religious divide). Whatever may have been the inspiration or passion that instigated mob rule was consolidated by the military presence of India and Pakistan on either side of the political divide. To this day, depending on which territory (or even religious affiliation) a citizen of this State resides in, opinion is still sharply divided as to whether foreign military presence is a protector or destroyer of civil liberty. One could argue with conviction backed by ample evidence that the net result of military presence here is a stifling of civil space.

It is equally important to cite some positive attributes of Dogra rule - which if allowed to evolve unhindered by outside influence would in all likelihood, have transformed this State from autocratic rule to fully-fledged and functioning democratic rule. Indeed, Hari Singh's decision to construct a Praja Sabha in 1934, the prior formation of the Muslim Conference in the wake of events in 1931 and the Maharajah's pledge to relegate himself to that of a titular head and thus transfer all powers to the assembly in early 1947, were all indications of political evolution under an administrative structure that had all the ingredients of a modern nation-state. Except, that events largely out of the control of the Maharajah or his subjects, were thrust upon the State.

Returning to the title of this opinion piece, in order to allay allegations of 'wishful thinking', it has been important to re-visit aspects of our shared history which have been 'brushed under the carpet' by the sustained exigencies of Indian and Pakistani national identity. The future can only possibly be bright if we are immunised from the conflict of our neighbours. Despite it's heavy toll on our national expenditure and engineering prowess, it would pay dividends in the shape of easy mobility for citizens of the State, re-invigorate the concept of integrity, ease our custom/immigration process and - subject to a treaty with our neighbours and the international community - ward off external military intervention.

Preventing our religious affiliation from falling prey to the supposed honour of our neighbours is a first step to reducing militaristic presence on our soil. It is only then that civil space can be re-vitalised and the scope of economic opportunity widened. Arriving at an integrated opinion on our shared history would only surface in such a scenario. Those, who have pushed for a kashmir solution over the years - irrespective of their political affiliation – have paid scant regard for this imperative.  

Remembering that rule of law, infrastructure planning/implemetation, environmental integrity and meritocracy (in spite of evidence of Hindu-Muslim discrimination) were of a much higher standard than what we've witnessed post 1947; it maybe useful to put in context the high levels of endemic corruption in India, Pakistan and China. Our history since 1947 is replete with examples of how the most venal politicians (legitimised by India and Pakistan) have shrouded themselves with the tricoloured tiranga or the star and crescent, whenever their misdeeds necessitated. This is evidence of how genuine public representation that subscribes to the modern demands of 'good governance' can not emerge in this State, under the prevailing structures on either side of the divide.

The difficulty here is this: political and military organisations in this region have been designed to de-politicise and suppress. Otherwise, with an abundance of water resources, sunshine, clean air and open space; our population's intellectual curiosity  and drive for competing with the world would have been nourished. If the proposition of Hindus and Muslims not being able to co-exist was considered to be a disease, the cure in the shape of India and Pakistan has created much deeper problems. To cure the common cold, we in AJK - at least - have contracted political pneumonia. 

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The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 15th of December 2010

Identifying Azad Kashmir

Even the concept of funding research is difficult to grasp for most people. It is little wonder that most information relayed in society relies heavily on hearsay. The administration either doesn't have a clear picture itself or it deliberately hides

or obfuscates data.

In contemporay times, it is widely believed that Pakistan's standing in the eyes of Azad kashmiris fell after 9/11. Especially after the scientist Abdul Qadeer Khan's 'arrest'. This era bizarrely co-incided with perhaps the most noble, productive, incorruptible and scrupulous visionary of a president in India, who also happened to share Abdul Qadeer's profession.

For a territory that is immersed in legal ambiguity (According to U.N. resolutions in 1948, Azad Kashmir is neither a sovereign state nor a province of Pakistan, but rather a "local authority" with responsibility over the area assigned to it under a 1949 ceasefire

agreement with India), it follows that independent research, writers and books are thin on the ground. This furthers the increasingly prevalent notion amongst people of the erstwhile State of Jammu and Kashmir, that they were betrayed and silenced by their own for the larger (unproductive) interests of India and Pakistan.

The prevailing structures on both sides of the divide where obligations of livelihood have stunted creative thought and aspiration, most people are forced to distance themselves from the truth. It is only in rare moments of contemplation or frustration that what ought to be reality; surfaces. Consequently, what most people of the State have little stomach to listen to, others working for that dream have to work that bit harder, day in - day out.

'Azad Kashmir' is no exception. This makes productive research work so arduous. In the first instance, State funding is unavailable for such endeavour. One only needs to look at the Geology department of AJK University in Muzaffarabad or the Agriculture department in Rawalakot to understand that a superficial, pliant society does not produce the fruits of modern day progress.

Even the concept of funding research is difficult to grasp for most people. It is little wonder that most information relayed in society relies heavily on hearsay. The administration either doesn't have a clear picture itself or it deliberately hides

or obfuscates data.

One can widen the picture of visible 'output' by taking a cursory glance at the health sector where they'll discover a plethora of counterfeit drugs in the market. Education in the public sector has long been considerable undesirable by the public, where many

a teacher blames children and their lack of application for the pathetic standard.  It's alternative - though a booming industry - is characterised by rote learning and massaging academic results according to commercial imperative. This writer, in his direct experience of teaching at a private institution, found that creative learning techniques were impossible for students to digest. It is little wonder that the most widely spoken language in the world viz. English, far from aiding in the progress of AJK (Azad Jammu Kashmir) is considered an insurmountable hurdle to overcome and few citizens speak it competently, even less have the courage to write it.

On a visit to Srinagar last year and noticing the abundance of english newspapers and periodicals, this writer couldn't help commenting on the dearth or rather absence of such in AJK. Meanwhile, the urdu media is a continu-um of the three organs of the State with information pimps and artful extotionists featuring prominently.

Many a lawyer, academic, government servant and not forgetting politicians (including the Member of the Legislative Assembly that has represented this writer's constituency since 1996) exercise influence in society and earn their livelihood via fabricated degrees.

The critical fields of politics and media are where entry-level people have to work - for free - or worse, invest their own resources to position themselves in society. Once they are through the door, the structure of governance is designed to avail them of a multitude of opportunities to recoup (sic) their investment. This writer, after a series of lengthy discussions with Sardar Qayoom Khan in April 2008, found this tactic echoed in his recommendation.

Whilst reading this, many a resident of the Kashmir Valley may find stark similarities to how governance is run by the Indian-administered side, except the scenario is distinctly more dire here. It is compounded by the lack of awareness of modern means of governance, assisted by an opaque environment and the absence of a 'Freedom of information Act'.*

Ambiguity exists not only in the origins of how Azad Kashmir became a political and geographic entity. Perhaps by necessity of creation, it developed legal ambiguity over who is and isn't a government servant. The distinction between staff who are permanent and who are ad-hoc is such that, the former are at times in wonder as to whether they are bona-fide officials or the latter lurking in the shadows are. In the observation of one public sector official, "No-one knows how many staff are employed in the public sector, not even the Finance Minister's Secretary - who authorises payment of wages - has a clue!"

On the private front, extortionate and sub-standard quality of foodstuff from Pakistan has compelled many an aggrieved to consider investing in local agriculture. What hitherto had been considered as a vocation of a bygone era is rapidly coming into vogue.

The merits of plentiful and pristine water and air solidify the temptation.

In the dark days of a closed society, AJK rulers in their thrust to reclaim the Kashmir Valley, unashamedly and countlessly claimed that development will be such that other Kashmiris will wish to be like us!

The last local elections took place in 1991 and were abandoned in 1996. Thus, even if one were to assume there to be a genuine will amongst the 'powers that be' to nourish democracy, it's absence from it's roots at the local level is a clear indictment of their

intent. This has enhanced the local MLA's (Member of AJK Legislative Assembly) ability to reap benefit from a dysfunctional administrative structure, manipulating it according to their sweet will. Thus, along with holding the puppet strings of the Policeman and Patwari and far from legislating in the assembly (there being hardly any matter to legislate on with virtually all matters of governance dealt by a 'Kashmir Council' presided over by Pakistan's Prime Minister), they also control funds for rural development and local infrastructure.

Many people are unclear as to whether the last population Census took place in 1998 or 1999. For the record, the latter is the correct answer. Taking all the above into account and remembering that the current leislative assembly term (2006 - 2011) witnessed three different prime ministers, little room is left for doubting the forthcoming general election in June 2011, to be a malafide exercise to determine public will.

Just as New Delhi is deemed to have a collaborator coterie in Srinagar, so does Islamabad. With the current incumbent in the Prime Minister's chair, namely Sardar Attique, considered by many to be par excellence in that dubious respect. It is lamentable that to date, virtually all segments of nationalist, independent or progressive thinking have focused on India, Pakistan or the International Community rather than civil society in AJK, as their target for activism. Thus, giving Islamabad a clean sweep to deflate their aspirations for the re-unification of Kashmir. The majority of people here still fail to connect the dots between military control of governance and lack of freedom to develop transparent institutions, thereby disabling the possibility of positive political change that could reflect people's needs.

It is perhaps apt that one should observe the following poignant tale from across the line as something to ponder over till next week:

 "Sheikh Abdullah convened a Jammu and Kashmir Peoples’ convention at Mujahid Manzil on October 12, 1968, and on June 8-13, 1970. Many a paper read in these proceedings advocated independence. Those from 'Azad Kashmir' who sent papers advocating independence were duly punished with imprisonment by Pakistan."**

Footnotes:

*

Right To Information Act J&K - 2009

**

Prof. Manzoor Fazili’s compilation of the papers is very useful (Kashmir Predilection;     Gulshan Publishers, Srinagar, 1988)

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The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 8th of December 2010

...

I then received the following message:

Dear Mr. Tanveer Ahmed:

If you do not mind, I would like to include your article, "Identifying Azad Kashmir" in the December 11 issue of our daily bulletin "Kashmir News & Views." Its old issues can be accessed at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/KashmirSolutionsForum/ 

Best wishes,
Pritam
Pritam K. Rohila, Ph.D.

Executive Director

Association for Communal Harmony in Asia (ACHA)

www.asiapeace.org & www.indiapakistanpeace.org


asiapeace@comcast.net

...

Gilgit Baltistan senses its potential

The level of awareness is such that many cite American and Chinese competition in the region as a major influence on their present as well as future. While the Chinese are ubiquitous in terms of infrastructure building i.e roads, tunnels, bridges etc. as they pave the way for uninterrupted access to the warm water port of Gwadar in Baluchistan, the Americans were not shy in competing with the Chinese to provide relief to affectees of the Attabad land-sliding disaster earlier this year.

This is the summation of what I gathered on my recent trip. I've gathered copious notes and have hours of audio, a neat array of videos and a basket of photos to boot. Never have I witnessed such a closed society to the outside world, a 'secret file' as one local politician aptly put it. Being behind a 'wall' for the most part of Pakistan's existence has generated such a pent up desire for progress amongst the people of Gilgit Baltistan, that at times it seemed, their mere intent would suddenly transform 'dead mountains' into pits of sapphire and uranium.

Superlatives aside, Gilgit Baltistan is that part of the Dogra State (1846-1947) that along with Ladakh holds least attention, whenever the 'Kashmir Issue' is discussed. This is despite (along with Ladakh – administered by India) being geographically by far the largest part of the erstwhile kingdom. If you put a knife to the State as if you were cutting a cake that resembled the shape of Jammu and Kashmir State - as it was known until the last third of the month of October 1947 - you would slice most of what is north and east, barely leaving a fifth of what is left remaining of the southwest.

Along with it's issue of lack of proximity to the highly centralised capitals of Islamabad and New Delhi, it also lacks in manpower what the rest of Kashmir (using the word generically) makes up for with a population of c. 15.5 million (Jammu, the Valley and AJK combined) compared to Gilgit-Baltistan-Ladakh's c. 2.5 million. The proportion of land-mass to population is bizarrely inverse if all the aforementioned parts are considered as two units of one whole.

Marginalisation in terms of opportunities for education and upliftment that were apparent during Dogra rule continued beyond 1947 as the area that became known as the 'Northern Areas' of Pakistan was neither constitutionally a part of Pakistan (thus, no representation in the latter's national assembly) and neither was it considered a part of Kashmir or what became known as AJK (Azad/free Jammu Kashmir – otherwise referred to as Pakistani-administered Kashmir). India's legal claim and subsequent inactivity to enforce that claim has only added to the confusion.

The urdu proverb "na teen me na teraa me" (neither counted amongst the 3's or the 13's) is oft-cited to give a nutshell depiction to an outsider.

Indeed, political awareness in the region has had a latent element to it. Agreements between the Mirs of Hunza and Nagar or between the Muslim Conference and the government of Pakistan (Karachi Agreement of the 28th of April 1949), all raise questions about the public legitimacy of these decisions, amongst the increasingly politically aware Gilgit Baltistan population. Further, the manner in which Pakistan cajoled the 'liberators' of this territory from Dogra Rule in November 1947, to surrender their gains to Pakistan and their subsequent humiliating demotion, is the basis of many a 'chai-ki-dukaan' (coffee-shop) discussion to this day. For the record, the chief of the liberated territories Shahrez Khan was demoted to a civil supply officer whilst his second-in-command Col. Hassan Mirza was asked to undertake an entry test to rejoin the army.

As with many other disputed parts of the world, information-sharing, awareness gathering and subsequent political activism for basic rights has been a steep uphill task.  It wasn't until 1967 that some semblance of a political rights movement took root in the shape of Gilgit-Baltistan-Ladakh Mutahhida Mahaz under the leadership of Johar Ali Advocate. Subsequent attempts by the government of Pakistan to placate or address people's grievances or needs are widely considered to be too little, too slow and in some cases too late.

As with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s directly elected council in 1974, the Legal Framework Order (LFO) of 1994, Musharraf’s re-hashing of the latter in 2007 or the currently in
focus 'Gilgit Baltistan Empowerment Ordinance of 2009: the only people in support of these initiatives have been those who have directly benefitted from them. This leaves out most of the population, who not only have to make do with endemic institutional corruption and unavailability of a single medical, engineering, technical or other post-graduate college in the whole territory. They also have to endure taxation without representation; last year's newly-formed assembly does not possess the right to legislate on it’s natural resources, including water and minerals and for all intents and purposes,  Pakistan’s executive in the shape of it's Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas (KANA) deals with all issues of governance. 

Whilst anger and frustation with Pakistan's inability to deliver good governance to the  public of Gilgit Baltistan is clearly apparent, reservations about 'Kashmiris' and resentment for being an 'unheard' component of the 'Kashmir Issue' are also inescapable. Some who have interacted over the years as students and businessman with Kashmiris in the Pakistani cities of Karachi, Multan and Quetta have explained a persistent negative propaganda campaign against Kashmiris coupled by the closing of traditional routes within the pre-1947 state; such as Skardu to Kargil, Astor to the Valley via Minimarg or Shonter Pass to Muzaffarabad.

A lack of interaction between people of the various parts of the erstwhile state have dented historic relationships as much as they've created an air of inquisitiveness and yearning to re-kindle old ties, not to mention a fresh vigour to initiate trade links.

The repression that the people have undergone since 1947 signified by restriction of educational/economic opportunity and their liberty being subordinate to the geo-political priorities of others, has led many to envision an independent country free of Pakistan as well as Kashmir. Many a historic name is invoked for this state including Bolore, Balawaristan, Karakoram and Dardistan. What is clear is that those who consider themselves politically progressive in approach are open to ideas as long as their region with all it's various ethnicities, languages, natural resources and trade routes are not subject to hegemonic design by others; including Kashmir. What many are not clear about is the exact geographic definition of their territory and likewise don't possess a road-map for their political future. Nevertheless, whatever their future political shape or association may be, they would be keen to ensure an opt-out clause that could prevent them from entering into another morass.   

It was encouraging to see efficient utilisation of their land for agricultural output, with cherry and almond trees commonly visible in most regions. That is despite their weak wholesale bargaining position i.e. as they could only sell to Pakistani buyers, they had little control over the price they were paid. In a similar manner, their lack of educational facilities couldn't hide their keen-ness to learn. Further, the multi-tude of intelligence agencies watching every public move didn't deter them from expressing themselves. What was less encouraging was the sight of old Hindu and Buddhist temples in ruins and the lack of apparent public will to restore them to their original state.

The level of awareness is such that many cite American and Chinese competition in the region as a major influence on their present as well as future. While the Chinese are ubiquitous in terms of infrastructure building i.e roads, tunnels, bridges etc. as they pave the way for uninterrupted access to the warm water port of Gwadar in Baluchistan, the Americans were not shy in competing with the Chinese to provide relief to affectees of the Attabad land-sliding disaster earlier this year. The latter are also busy in sending out expeditions to locate many an untouched mineral and precious stone deposit, in those 'dead mountains' that have often characterised Gilgit Baltistan.

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The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 1st of December 2010

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I received a response on this article from a Kashmiri Pandit journalist, based in Delhi. Here are his remarks:

Dear Mr Sahaafi Sahib

I read ur piece on GB. It is really a matter of concen for the people like us. World is progressing but our regions are going to stone age.

As mediapersons it is our duty to raise the issues at any available platform.

I shall be obliged if u could mail me ur pictures along with the GB area so that we can highlight the issue more prominently. 

Regards
R C GANJOO
Journalist

New Delhi (INDIA)

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Sheikh Rasheed & Choudary Bashir - Two of a Kind