1022hrs:
Sleeping earlier and waking earlier with incremental improvements every day is the optimum strategy.
There's a lot going on in our territory and our direct occupiers (the Pakistani State) seem to be spiralling back to their old tactics of trying to force circumstances in their favour. This is a foolish strategy which may have worked pre 2023 but is doomed to fail in the current scenario, where each and every village of AJK is determined to continue incrementally obtaining the basic rights they have been deprived of since 1947, with strong back up from our diaspora (especially in the UK).
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Haroon Shamsi vs. The State of Pakistan
The above named gentleman is an aspiring State citizen of Jammu Kashmir & Allied (areas), living in the village of Mohra Dhruti in tehsil Nikyaal, adjacent to the LOC. He has recently been harassed by a Pakistani clandestine operative, who goes by the name of 'Kamran' and is apparently deputed to that region. The grounds of this harassment are a couple of short WhatsApp notes on the subject of 12 refugee seats in Pakistan devoted to the AJK Assembly, ostensibly to provide political & administrative representation to those 'Muslims' of the State who had to flee from the other side of JKA post 1947, which are under the microscope as the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JK JAAC) is adamant that they are an unnecessary burden on the government in AJK, that they have nothing to do with the 'Kashmir Question' and they do not adhere to the mutual rights & responsibilities needed for taxation & representation.
Like thousands of other aspiring co-citizens of AJK Haroon Shamsi has also expressed his views in a couple of short messages via WhatsApp. The text (plus English translation) will be presented here followed by the threatening audio sent by this 'agency operative' to Haroon Shamsi.
Message No 1 of 2:
1947
سے 1974 تک یعنی 27 سال تک مہاجرین کی 12 نشستیں موجود نہیں تھیں پھر بھی مسئلہ کشمیر زندہ تھا۔
1974
سے 2026 تک یہ نشستیں موجود ہیں تو کیا اس دوران مسئلہ کشمیر حل ہو گیا؟
حقیقت یہ ہے کہ ان نشستوں کے ہونے یا نہ ہونے سے مسئلہ کشمیر کی حیثیت میں کوئی بنیادی تبدیلی نہیں آئی۔ البتہ ان نشستوں نے سیاسی انجینئرنگ اقتدار کے توازن پر اثراندازی اور مخصوص طبقات کو نوازنے کا ذریعہ ضرور فراہم کیا۔
اگر ان نشستوں کا مقصد مسئلہ کشمیر کو اجاگر کرنا تھا تو نصف صدی سے زائد عرصہ گزرنے کے باوجود اس کا کوئی عملی نتیجہ سامنے نہیں آیا۔
لہٰذا وقت آ گیا ہے کہ مہاجرین کی 12 نشستوں کو ختم کیا جائے ۔
یہ بارہ نشستیں صرف سیاسی جوڑ توڑ کے لیے رکھی گئی ہیں۔ مسلہ کشمیر سے انکا کوئی تعلق نہیں ۔
English translation:
From 1947 to 1974 (that is 27 years) there weren't 12 (Legislative Assembly) seats reserved for refugees, yet the 'Kashmir Issue' remained alive.
From 1974 to 2026 these (12 refugee seats) have existed. In this period, has the 'Kashmir Issue' been resolved?
In actual fact, whether or not these (12 refugee) seats exist hasn't made any fundamental difference to the status of the 'Kashmir Issue'. However, these seats have certainly enabled opportunity for political engineering, affected the balance of power (in the Assembly) and provided favour (or reward) to certain (specific) interest groups.
If the purpose of these seats was to raise awareness about the Kashmir Issue then despite over half a century elapsing, no practical result has ever emerged.
Thus, the time has come to terminate these 12 seats for refugees.
These 12 seats have only been used (kept) to make or break political alliances. They have no significance in relation the 'Kashmir Issue'.
Message No 2 of 2:
اگرپاکستان کےحکمرانوں کوکشمیری مہاجرین سےاتناہی پیارھےتو انکوپاکستان کی اسمبلی میں 12نشستیں دےدیں ۔ ویسےبھی وہ رہتے توپاکستان میں ھیں، انکاآذادکشمیرکےمعاملات سےکیالینادینا؟
English translation:
If Pakistan's ruling elite have so much love & affection for Kashmiri refugees, then they should give them 12 seats in Pakistan's National (Legislative) Assembly. After all, they do live in Pakistan. What concerns do they have (share) with matters in Azad Kashmir?
End of text messages and translations..
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Now, let's listen to the Pakistani clandestine agency operative's audio response to these innocuous text messages on WhatsApp:
Here's this operative 'Kamran's phone number: 0309 9297123
I have referenced this issue in today's daily FaceBook Live video podcast, which can be accessed here. It should be remembered that such threats are rife throughout AJK & GB (as well as in Indian-controlled Jammu Kashmir & Ladakh), which solidifies the allegation that India & Pakistan's 'ground forces' in the territory of JKA devote most resources and manpower in trying to control the public narrative on either side, in favour of their respective countries.
Update: 0232hrs (03/06/2026)
Inevitably, certain alarm bells rang in response to the post above, asking for it to be deleted!
Well, nothing of public interest has ever been deleted before, despite similar requests over the past 2 decades. Once the arrow has left the bow, there is nothing stopping it!
These tactics are ridiculously out-dated.
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کسی نے پوچھا مکالمہ کیا ہے؟
میں نے جواب دیا
ڈائیلاگ - دلائل - تحقیق - تحریر
جموں کشمیر کی تقدیر کا فیصلہ یہاں کے لوگوں کی تدبیر سے ہونا چاہیے....
اور اس کے لیے مکالمہ کا راستہ ماہانہ، وہ وقت کی ضرورت ہے....بہت بہت شکریہ۔
JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #U214702062026
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Since we are on the topic of 12 refugee seats, here's an opinion piece by Shams Rehman:
# Refugee Seats: Representation or Political Intervention?
**By Shams Rehman**
The most common argument made in favour of the seats reserved in the Azad Kashmir Assembly for Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan is that these seats are linked to the Kashmir question and to the political identity of displaced Kashmiris living in Pakistan. It is argued that if these seats are abolished, a symbolic connection with the Kashmir dispute will be weakened and the political identity of the refugees will be undermined.
At first sight, this argument appears emotional and important. But its practical implications also need to be examined. If the purpose is only to preserve identity, symbolic representation and a political connection with the Kashmir question, then it is not necessary to give these seats a full political and governmental role in the Azad Kashmir Assembly. A better, clearer and more limited form of symbolic representation can be devised for that purpose.
For example, refugee representation could be arranged on the pattern of technical or professional representation. Alternatively, a small number of symbolic seats could be retained whose purpose is limited to consultation, identity and the expression of historical association with the Kashmir question. A separate representative forum could also be created where Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan may present their views, issues and political position. But they should not have a decisive role in the making or breaking of governments in Azad Kashmir, nor in the formation of ministries, budgetary allocations or Assembly majorities.
Some commentators and analysts are also trying to create the impression that the Joint Awami Action Committee does not see the corruption of those Assembly members who are elected from within the territorial limits of Azad Kashmir. In my view, this objection is misplaced. The truth is that this entire public movement has emerged precisely against corruption, clan-based politics, misuse of authority, politics of privileges and an anti-people style of governance. Therefore, turning this debate into “Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan versus the people of Azad Kashmir” is neither correct nor constructive.
The real question is not about insulting any community or population. The real question is about the principle of representation. If representatives elected from within Azad Kashmir are corrupt, the people can directly hold them accountable. They can protest against them. They can reject them in elections. But the refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are outside the geographical, administrative and public sphere of Azad Kashmir. Yet they continue to play a decisive role in the formation of the Azad Kashmir government, in ministries and in the distribution of public resources. That is the fundamental issue.
There is another important aspect of this debate. Refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir also live inside Azad Kashmir. The question is: who represents them? If these refugees are living within Azad Kashmir and are part of the same society, economy, administrative system and public problems, then their representation takes place through the local constituencies of Azad Kashmir. They vote in the areas where they live, they are part of the same political system, and they are directly affected by the policies of the same government. By contrast, the refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are not part of the everyday administrative sphere of Azad Kashmir.
The basic question is this: what is the practical jurisdiction of the Azad Kashmir Assembly? Constitutionally and politically, it is often viewed in the wider context of the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir. But in practical terms, this Assembly governs only the areas administered as Azad Kashmir. Its budget, administration, development schemes, government departments, local bodies, education, health, roads and day-to-day governance are directly related to the people living in Azad Kashmir. Refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are not part of this practical administrative framework.
For this reason, giving these seats decisive power in the formation of the Azad Kashmir government is neither democratically justified nor administratively reasonable. Identity and symbolic connection have their own importance, but they cannot be used to weaken the right of representation of the people of Azad Kashmir.
At this stage, the Joint Awami Action Committee should also reconsider its position of complete abolition. If a clear, limited and dignified formula of symbolic representation can be developed to preserve the Kashmir question, refugee identity and historical connection, it can be accepted in principle. The strength of people’s movements does not lie only in taking rigid positions. It also lies in proposing fair and workable solutions that protect the people’s right to self-governance while also respecting sensitive historical identities.
Similarly, the government side must abandon its delaying tactics regarding the implementation of the Muzaffarabad Agreement and electoral reforms. If the government genuinely wants to prevent the situation from moving towards confrontation, it must show seriousness, transparency and immediate practical action. Continuous delays, vague statements and time-buying politics do not reduce public anxiety; they deepen it.
The better way forward is to preserve the Kashmiri identity of the refugees, their historical status and their connection with the Kashmir question, while limiting these seats to symbolic, consultative or specific representation. This would neither break the link with the Kashmir issue, nor erase refugee identity, nor allow external constituencies to continue influencing the public mandate inside Azad Kashmir.
Let the Azad Kashmir Assembly deal with the problems of the people of Azad Kashmir. Let refugee representation be given a dignified but limited symbolic form. The Action Committee should seriously consider a workable middle path, and the government must implement agreements and reforms instead of allowing the situation to deteriorate further.
This path is democratic, just, practical, and much closer to the real spirit of the Kashmir question.
#RightsMovementAJK
#AzadKashmir
#jammukashmir
#Mirpur
end of article..
It can be accessed and read at
this link on FaceBook.
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My comment in response to the article above:
12 refugee seats and representation vis a vis 'The Kashmir Question' is a charade, not least as in practical terms every political leader from Sheikh Abdullah & Mufti Sayeed to Sardar Ibrahim & K H Khurshid were actively prevented from representing the interests of their State.
If these local leaders had little representation, what representation do the local people within the State think they are getting, let alone those living for decades and across generations in Pakistani Punjab or Indian Rajasthan?
Most of us are analysing our current predicament on the basis of well designed obfuscation by the British since 1947. Thus, self serving assumptions taught to India & Pakistan to befool the people of JKA have been considered as some kind of 'Authority' devolved to these countries by the United Nations, when in reality no such devolution occurred. We have been tricked to replace demilitarisation with devolution.
As far as the Pakistan Establishment is concerned, there is ample evidence to suggest that they are not inclined to obey public will or cater to public interest in AJK. Their country has not been designed for such a benign purpose.
In the words of the late Abdul Majeed Malik (X CJ of AJK High Court) Pakistan needs to concentrate on demilitarisation as advised by the UN, not falsely assume that they have some sort of responsibility in AJK (& GB), which even if they wanted to, they could not fulfil.
end of comment..
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