Daily Diary (DD) - Day 214 of 2026

0336hrs:

It can be understood on this 59th day of an imposed war by Pakistan to cover up its incompetence to deliver 'governance' to AJK, that an 11 day lapse in daily weblogging is to be considered 'normal'. 

Not only is our net connectivity extremely limited and confined to diminishing pockets of land where we are able to catch signals from the 'enemy country', our normal phone service is also extremely limited, especially in the epicentre of this do or die war in Poonch division. 

Today's weblog will feature an open letter that I wrote to JK JAAC (Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee) given that there is still a gap between their understanding of the critical scenario we all collectively face in AJK and that of this writer. 

Such gaps are inevitable and should be acknowledged as healthy differences between a diverse set of people; with varying levels of expertise, experience, exposure and skill sets. 

This writer understands the immense responsibility on the shoulders of the core committee of JK JAAC and their need to play 'safe' in terms of public narrative. Rather than insisting that they change their narrative from a 'demands based' strategy to an 'ownership-building' strategy - it is more appropriate to regularly convey one's concerns and maintain engagement during these critical times - that are undoubtedly unprecedented in the 78 year history of AJK. 

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The following letter was written on the 26th of July 2026:

Open Letter to JK JAAC from JKA PUBLIC AGENCY

On the 52nd day of this imposed war by the Pakistani State (without genuine constitutional or legal basis) on the land & population of the territory of Azad Jammu & Kashmir, I (Tanveer Ahmed - an independent researcher supporting all public interest endeavours in this territory for the past 21 years) wish to put my concerns and reservations to you in an open, transparent & public manner; as it is most certainly a matter of life & death for #RightsMovementAJK in general, as well as Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee #JK #JAAC in particular.

In my opinion, it needs to be understood that whatever the Pakistani State says or does is a matter of ambiguity and deception. This is true to form of its record as a country since its birth in August 1947.

2 aims of the Pakistani State in this current war on the whole population of AJK are:

1) To totally crush any form of public rights movement in the territory - either through brute force where possible or by deception while using the sacred faith of Islam as a propaganda tool - with particular targeting of JAAC and its sympathisers, who in many estimations has reached 90% of the population.

2) To forcibly integrate AJK & Gilgit Baltistan into the Pakistani federation, in a similar manner to what India did on the other side of the LOC on 5 August 2019.

It is in such circumstances that I have regularly engaged with JAAC since the 10th of June 2026 (47 days ago when we all camped out at Eidgaah, Dreak, Rawalakot, Poonch and where we all remain).

I did intimate, advise & stress to all present core members from the 14th of June 2026 onwards - in written form - that JAAC should under no circumstances engage in direct talks with any form of representation from the State of Pakistan - without credible external mediation - which in my opinion could only be UK MPs of AJK origin, given Britain's colonial legacy and stakes of these MPs in our territory.

I also advised that JAAC should ask our diaspora to explore international legal options to make the State of Pakistan accountable for their unwarranted aggression.

On the 28th of June, in light of local public opinion analysing the prevailing scenario of the Pakistani State's continuous onslaught of killings, arrests and targeted torture of our activists; coupled with the non-commitment of the United Kingdom to fulfill its legal responsibilities: I advised JAAC to abandon their 38 point charter and concentrate on exercising the people's authority (ref. JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E212423062026 ).

Given that hitherto JAAC had strictly abided by the prevailing (clearly imposed) constitutional framework in AJK, despite it contradicting the 24th October 1947 provisional government declaration (born out of a rebellion against the autocratic ruler), the UN conflict resolution framework, the Pakistani constitution and all generally accepted universal human rights norms. I understood that to be a prudent strategy to focus on delivering basic needs to the AJK population, while avoiding the aggression of the Pakistani State wherever possible.

Now that aggression has come to the forefront of global attention, whereby the Pakistani State proved once again that it is not capable of abiding by its own (colonially crafted) laws, nor is it capable of fulfilling any verbal or written agreements. Rather it is only capable of wanton aggression or deceptive dialogue to try and get it's way.

I thus urged you - JAAC - to adopt a legal & constitutional stance that reflects our status as subjects cum citizens locally and what is confirmed by international law viz. that the inhabitants of this territory are the genuinely entitled, whereas India & Pakistan are claimants to our State, whose legality can only be derived from the local people's reference, without compulsion or enticement.

In this regard, I remind you that we - as a people under siege - can no longer afford that the Pakistani State dictate our defence, communications, currency & foreign policy. Not just because they never abided by any genuine legal procedure to obtain these public policy subjects but that they have abused whatever little trust our people had in them, irrespective of the Pakistani State's self-serving assumptions.

I for one - and I am sure that I speak for many others - cannot return to our homes in Mirpur division or Muzaffarabad division where our lives, wealth & honour continue to remain at the mercy of the Pakistani State.

We must exercise our right to self determination using our own initiative and our entitlement as State subjects cum aspiring citizens of an increasingly globalised world, just as most of the rest of the world has done, rather than naively await for some sort of green signal or non existent certification from elsewhere to protect our lives, wealth & honour. 

Only the people of this territory can guarantee peace in this territory and only the people of Jammu Kashmir & Allied (areas) can guarantee peace in their State. 78 years of regional conflict have proved that neither India nor Pakistan, or even the rest of the world can guarantee peace here.

Thus, I urge JAAC to shift their strategy to an internally designed governance delivery model, that will revive a thousands of years old peace economy, rather than persist with an externally reliant demands based governance delivery model, that will do its utmost to try and kill us to prevent delivery, whilst inevitably keeping our future generations stuck in a conflict economy.

If you all recall my public briefing to JAAC on the 30th of March 2026 in Dadyaal, I did state that we have overcome the prevention of rights barrier constructed by Muzaffarabad in May 2024 and are on the verge of overcoming the prevention of rights barrier constructed by Islamabad (Pakistan), as they have no intention of fulfilling these 38 demands you have enlisted and will turn on you to try and cover their incompetence. The next (3rd) barrier is our own egos which we have to manage in order to drive forward this internally designed governance delivery model, that has taken 21 years of independent research to complete and which requires an internal public contract between each other to succeed. This will prepare us for an external public contract with the rest of the world, the last and final (4th) barrier.

Finally, I urge you to concentrate on restoring our 'Right to Rule' (Haq e Hukmrani) in Poonch division first, where the people's authority is operating effectively in response to the massacre of our people by Pakistani security forces on the 7th & 8th of June 2026 in Rawalakot. Those who can secure their territory can also rule over it.

Poonch division's success will be emulated by Mirpur division and then Muzaffarabad division, just like the beginning of #RightsMovementAJK in 2023 began here in Poonch, before being adopted by Mirpur and then Muzaffarabad. In this respect, I maintain my stance as from the outset (5 June 2026) that we need not converge on Muzaffarabad. It was a capital decided externally to focus our attention on Srinagar. That all changed on the 5th of August 2019 when the joint understanding of India & Pakistan to usurp our State became clear to the world. We also need to change in light of what the Pakistani State is trying to do since the 5th of June 2026.

If we remain stuck on the 2nd barrier (Islamabad), we are in danger of being usurped by Pakistan and they will tell the world that JAAC had no internal plan for governance delivery and that is why they kept on making demands to us, which created chaos in the AJK territory. This is why we had to crush them before integrating this territory into Pakistan.

That is not a reflection of reality in AJK or its people's aspirations & reservations. Let us not play into the hands of the aggressively deceitful Pakistani State.

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #EJAAC081426072026

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Later in the day, the supposed 2nd phase of elections in (Muzaffarabad division) AJK looked quite like the following in a practical sense:

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Daily Diary (DD) - Day 154 of 2026

0253hrs:

Yes, another false start but true in every other sense!

We have reached boiling point in our differences with the powers-that-be, hitherto ruling this territory of AJK practically un-opposed.

A lot has changed in these past 3 years and our neighbouring countries are finding it difficult to come to terms with. All will be ok if the route of violence and provocation towards such is avoided by all parties concerned. Hence, the following circular drafted after a lag of 2 years:

This is a brief civil society safety alert (alarm) from the public of Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK) to the UK Government

Openly published by Tanveer Ahmed Rafique by all means available to ensure transparency and inclusivity of all stakeholders concerned, on Wednesday the 3rd of June 2026 at 0205hrs.

An independent action-oriented grassroots-funded public policy researcher, working un-interrupted on-the-ground in the aforementioned territory since April 2005, with hitherto journalistic experience of other international conflict zones & British parliamentary affairs. 

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The situation in AJK, in the backdrop of a continuous 3 year long peaceful #RightsMovementAJK and its unfulfilled public demands - agreed in writing by both the government in Muzaffarabad and representatives of the State of Pakistan - has reached such a level of uncertainty that the local inhabitants are in clear danger of losing their life, wealth & honour. This creates direct concern for our diaspora throughout the world (especially & primarily in the United Kingdom).

Sources on the ground fear a '5 August 2019 Indian-controlled Jammu Kashmir Ladakh' type of operation being launched here imminently. 

Talks have hit the end of the road and final deadline on 31 May 2026, vis a vis Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee JK #JAAC and the powers-that-be in Pakistan. 

This is after months and years of a repeated cycle of dialogue, death, time-bound written promises and deadlines.

The public of AJK - ably and peacefully mass mobilised by JK JAAC - would consider further repetition of the above sequence to constitute a waste of time, energy and resources of all parties concerned. 

To maintain the peace, the local police supported by the public are most vested in peace in AJK. It is to be remembered that this is an organic rights movement indigenously created and a vast improvement on all previous rights movements in the territory - including pre 1947 - both in terms of maintaining the peace while delivering incrementally to the people. 

Critically, this movement can not afford any more deaths or even arrests, in fact any kind of harassment is no longer tolerable. At least 13 deaths can be directly attributed to reactionary external security force interventions to prevent mass public mobilisation, the latter always proceeding in an exemplary peaceful manner worthy of being described as world class. 

The movement will remain peaceful in all circumstances - all stakeholders in the territory including the Government of AJK have publicly and repeatedly pledged to ensure no member of the public or police is killed in any future mass public mobilisation, including that envisaged for the 9th of June 2026, from (Chamb) Bhimber in the South to the capital Muzaffarabad in the North.

As with all previous movements, documented evidence of multiple deaths - if not all - can be attributed to paramilitary forces entering AJK from the territory of Pakistan, in a hurried last-minute manner. 

Pakistan does have a constituency in AJK, though not much more than 10% by this stage of the movement, although at least another 20% hold it in high regard, despite respectfully disagreeing with its claim on the territory, at the cost of the legally entitled locals. 

Most importantly, the people here have come to realise that neither Muzaffarabad nor Islamabad are providing timely relief, without prejudice to our respective claims & entitlements. 

In recent years, the slogans 'Haq e Malkiyat' (Right of Ownership) & 'Haq e Hukmrani' (Right to Rule) have been echoing throughout the 1,771 villages scattered in the Western Himalayas enveloping AJK. 

(Internal) Remedy

This now requires internal dialogue or 'Androona Mukaalima', which will be a monthly all-stakeholder-inclusive internal political process, which will peacefully work out the resource delivery dilemma afflicting this territory since 1947.

While the set-up in Muzaffarabad - as an internal stakeholder - will always remain engaged in this process, the Pakistani State are at liberty to continue conferring with the Muzaffarabad government at any stage. 

In short, the internal rights movement searching for solutions internally will be a more secure way of maintaining the peace in the coming days, weeks, months and years ahead. 

We - the people of the territory at large - are not seeking external intervention from any angle of the geopolitical spectrum. We are merely sharing our concerns to the widest audience we have outside AJK viz. our UK diaspora, which will no doubt have implications for the anxiety of loved ones, deeply reliant on what has been a many-decades-old deeply integrated socio-economic relationship between this territory and the hundreds of thousands of UK citizens maintaining connectivity with their roots here.

This scenario directly impacts UK government policy and playing a part in peace would be inevitable for all affected parties; given that the people of AJK are mature enough to ensure their own security, without external input. 

For the record and as future reference for dialogue with the world, human rights documentation is also being prepared to present to the United Kingdom’s APPGK (All Parties Parliamentary Group on Kashmir), detailing all the arrests and deaths of our aspiring citizens in the peaceful rights movement since its mass public emergence in 2003.

Background references:

TA000001/AJKUKUSAGHRGMJKA/05052024/SGEC0001

TA000002/AJKUKJKA/16032022/SGEC0002

TA000001/AJKUKJKA/02022022/SGEC0001

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JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #EUKGVT020503062026

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Further Note:

This alert was initially published as an update at the following link at the time & date notified in the alert as written above.

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Before the end of the working day in the UK, Imran Hussain MP put out the following video message to the prime minister of Pakistan in particular, in reference to the deadlock in talks between representatives of the Pakistani State and JAAC, giving mention to the human rights aspect too:

This was the response I sent to him:

A timely response to what has essentially emerged as British colonial legacy. 

it's good to see you standing for #Peace & #Dialogue 'Mukaalima' as is the stated aim of #RightsMovementAJK , a purely peaceful organic grass-roots rights movement operating in #AJK since 2003, as JAAC (Joint  Awami Action Committee). 

background reference:

https://www.change.org/p/global-civil-society-recognition-for-a-public-policy-framework-for-jammu-kashmir-allied/u/34730681

#Conflict2PeaceStrategyJKA

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Daily Diary (DD) - Day 153 of 2026

1022hrs:

Sleeping earlier and waking earlier with incremental improvements every day is the optimum strategy.

There's a lot going on in our territory and our direct occupiers (the Pakistani State) seem to be spiralling back to their old tactics of trying to force circumstances in their favour. This is a foolish strategy which may have worked pre 2023 but is doomed to fail in the current scenario, where each and every village of AJK is determined to continue incrementally obtaining the basic rights they have been deprived of since 1947, with strong back up from our diaspora (especially in the UK).

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Haroon Shamsi vs. The State of Pakistan

The above named gentleman is an aspiring State citizen of Jammu Kashmir & Allied (areas), living in the village of Mohra Dhruti in tehsil Nikyaal, adjacent to the LOC. He has recently been harassed by a Pakistani clandestine operative, who goes by the name of 'Kamran' and is apparently deputed to that region. The grounds of this harassment are a couple of short WhatsApp notes on the subject of 12 refugee seats in Pakistan devoted to the AJK Assembly, ostensibly to provide political & administrative representation to those 'Muslims' of the State who had to flee from the other side of JKA post 1947, which are under the microscope as the Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee (JK JAAC) is adamant that they are an unnecessary burden on the government in AJK, that they have nothing to do with the 'Kashmir Question' and they do not adhere to the mutual rights & responsibilities needed for taxation & representation.

Like thousands of other aspiring co-citizens of AJK Haroon Shamsi has also expressed his views in a couple of short messages via WhatsApp. The text (plus English translation) will be presented here followed by the threatening audio sent by this 'agency operative' to Haroon Shamsi.

Message No 1 of 2:

1947

سے 1974 تک یعنی 27 سال تک مہاجرین کی 12 نشستیں موجود نہیں تھیں پھر بھی مسئلہ کشمیر زندہ تھا۔

1974

سے 2026 تک یہ نشستیں موجود ہیں تو کیا اس دوران مسئلہ کشمیر حل ہو گیا؟

حقیقت یہ ہے کہ ان نشستوں کے ہونے یا نہ ہونے سے مسئلہ کشمیر کی حیثیت میں کوئی بنیادی تبدیلی نہیں آئی۔ البتہ ان نشستوں نے سیاسی انجینئرنگ اقتدار کے توازن پر اثراندازی اور مخصوص طبقات کو نوازنے کا ذریعہ ضرور فراہم کیا۔

اگر ان نشستوں کا مقصد مسئلہ کشمیر کو اجاگر کرنا تھا تو نصف صدی سے زائد عرصہ گزرنے کے باوجود اس کا کوئی عملی نتیجہ سامنے نہیں آیا۔

لہٰذا وقت آ گیا ہے کہ مہاجرین کی 12 نشستوں کو ختم کیا جائے ۔

یہ بارہ نشستیں صرف سیاسی جوڑ توڑ کے لیے رکھی گئی ہیں۔ مسلہ کشمیر سے انکا کوئی تعلق نہیں ۔ 

English translation:

From 1947 to 1974 (that is 27 years) there weren't 12 (Legislative Assembly) seats reserved for refugees, yet the 'Kashmir Issue' remained alive.

From 1974 to 2026 these (12 refugee seats) have existed. In this period, has the 'Kashmir Issue' been resolved?

In actual fact, whether or not these (12 refugee) seats exist hasn't made any fundamental difference to the status of the 'Kashmir Issue'. However, these seats have certainly enabled opportunity for political engineering, affected the balance of power (in the Assembly) and provided favour (or reward) to certain (specific) interest groups. 

If the purpose of these seats was to raise awareness about the Kashmir Issue then despite over half a century elapsing, no practical result has ever emerged.

Thus, the time has come to terminate these 12 seats for refugees.

These 12 seats have only been used (kept) to make or break political alliances. They have no significance in relation the 'Kashmir Issue'.

Message No 2 of 2:

اگرپاکستان کےحکمرانوں کوکشمیری مہاجرین سےاتناہی پیارھےتو انکوپاکستان کی اسمبلی میں 12نشستیں دےدیں ۔  ویسےبھی وہ رہتے توپاکستان میں ھیں، انکاآذادکشمیرکےمعاملات سےکیالینادینا؟ 

English translation:

If Pakistan's ruling elite have so much love & affection for Kashmiri refugees, then they should give them 12 seats in Pakistan's National (Legislative) Assembly. After all, they do live in Pakistan. What concerns do they have (share) with matters in Azad Kashmir?

End of text messages and translations..

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Now, let's listen to the Pakistani clandestine agency operative's audio response to these innocuous text messages on WhatsApp:

Here's this operative 'Kamran's phone number: 0309 9297123

I have referenced this issue in today's daily FaceBook Live video podcast, which can be accessed here. It should be remembered that such threats are rife throughout AJK & GB (as well as in Indian-controlled Jammu Kashmir & Ladakh), which solidifies the allegation that India & Pakistan's 'ground forces' in the territory of JKA devote most resources and manpower in trying to control the public narrative on either side, in favour of their respective countries.

Update: 0232hrs (03/06/2026)

Inevitably, certain alarm bells rang in response to the post above, asking for it to be deleted! 

Well, nothing of public interest has ever been deleted before, despite similar requests over the past 2 decades. Once the arrow has left the bow, there is nothing stopping it!

These tactics are ridiculously out-dated.

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کسی نے پوچھا مکالمہ کیا ہے؟

میں نے جواب دیا

ڈائیلاگ - دلائل - تحقیق - تحریر

جموں کشمیر کی تقدیر کا فیصلہ یہاں کے لوگوں کی تدبیر سے ہونا چاہیے....

اور اس کے لیے مکالمہ کا راستہ ماہانہ، وہ وقت کی ضرورت ہے....بہت بہت شکریہ۔

 JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #U214702062026 

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Since we are on the topic of 12 refugee seats, here's an opinion piece by Shams Rehman:

# Refugee Seats: Representation or Political Intervention?

**By Shams Rehman**

The most common argument made in favour of the seats reserved in the Azad Kashmir Assembly for Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan is that these seats are linked to the Kashmir question and to the political identity of displaced Kashmiris living in Pakistan. It is argued that if these seats are abolished, a symbolic connection with the Kashmir dispute will be weakened and the political identity of the refugees will be undermined.

At first sight, this argument appears emotional and important. But its practical implications also need to be examined. If the purpose is only to preserve identity, symbolic representation and a political connection with the Kashmir question, then it is not necessary to give these seats a full political and governmental role in the Azad Kashmir Assembly. A better, clearer and more limited form of symbolic representation can be devised for that purpose.

For example, refugee representation could be arranged on the pattern of technical or professional representation. Alternatively, a small number of symbolic seats could be retained whose purpose is limited to consultation, identity and the expression of historical association with the Kashmir question. A separate representative forum could also be created where Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan may present their views, issues and political position. But they should not have a decisive role in the making or breaking of governments in Azad Kashmir, nor in the formation of ministries, budgetary allocations or Assembly majorities.

Some commentators and analysts are also trying to create the impression that the Joint Awami Action Committee does not see the corruption of those Assembly members who are elected from within the territorial limits of Azad Kashmir. In my view, this objection is misplaced. The truth is that this entire public movement has emerged precisely against corruption, clan-based politics, misuse of authority, politics of privileges and an anti-people style of governance. Therefore, turning this debate into “Kashmiri refugees settled in Pakistan versus the people of Azad Kashmir” is neither correct nor constructive.

The real question is not about insulting any community or population. The real question is about the principle of representation. If representatives elected from within Azad Kashmir are corrupt, the people can directly hold them accountable. They can protest against them. They can reject them in elections. But the refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are outside the geographical, administrative and public sphere of Azad Kashmir. Yet they continue to play a decisive role in the formation of the Azad Kashmir government, in ministries and in the distribution of public resources. That is the fundamental issue.

There is another important aspect of this debate. Refugees from Indian-administered Kashmir also live inside Azad Kashmir. The question is: who represents them? If these refugees are living within Azad Kashmir and are part of the same society, economy, administrative system and public problems, then their representation takes place through the local constituencies of Azad Kashmir. They vote in the areas where they live, they are part of the same political system, and they are directly affected by the policies of the same government. By contrast, the refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are not part of the everyday administrative sphere of Azad Kashmir.

The basic question is this: what is the practical jurisdiction of the Azad Kashmir Assembly? Constitutionally and politically, it is often viewed in the wider context of the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir. But in practical terms, this Assembly governs only the areas administered as Azad Kashmir. Its budget, administration, development schemes, government departments, local bodies, education, health, roads and day-to-day governance are directly related to the people living in Azad Kashmir. Refugee constituencies based in Pakistan are not part of this practical administrative framework.

For this reason, giving these seats decisive power in the formation of the Azad Kashmir government is neither democratically justified nor administratively reasonable. Identity and symbolic connection have their own importance, but they cannot be used to weaken the right of representation of the people of Azad Kashmir.

At this stage, the Joint Awami Action Committee should also reconsider its position of complete abolition. If a clear, limited and dignified formula of symbolic representation can be developed to preserve the Kashmir question, refugee identity and historical connection, it can be accepted in principle. The strength of people’s movements does not lie only in taking rigid positions. It also lies in proposing fair and workable solutions that protect the people’s right to self-governance while also respecting sensitive historical identities.

Similarly, the government side must abandon its delaying tactics regarding the implementation of the Muzaffarabad Agreement and electoral reforms. If the government genuinely wants to prevent the situation from moving towards confrontation, it must show seriousness, transparency and immediate practical action. Continuous delays, vague statements and time-buying politics do not reduce public anxiety; they deepen it.

The better way forward is to preserve the Kashmiri identity of the refugees, their historical status and their connection with the Kashmir question, while limiting these seats to symbolic, consultative or specific representation. This would neither break the link with the Kashmir issue, nor erase refugee identity, nor allow external constituencies to continue influencing the public mandate inside Azad Kashmir.

Let the Azad Kashmir Assembly deal with the problems of the people of Azad Kashmir. Let refugee representation be given a dignified but limited symbolic form. The Action Committee should seriously consider a workable middle path, and the government must implement agreements and reforms instead of allowing the situation to deteriorate further. 

This path is democratic, just, practical, and much closer to the real spirit of the Kashmir question.

#RightsMovementAJK 

#AzadKashmir 

#jammukashmir 

#Mirpur

end of article..

It can be accessed and read at this link on FaceBook.

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My comment in response to the article above:

12 refugee seats and representation vis a vis 'The Kashmir Question' is a charade, not least as in practical terms every political leader from Sheikh Abdullah & Mufti Sayeed to Sardar Ibrahim & K H Khurshid were actively prevented from representing the interests of their State.

If these local leaders had little representation, what representation do the local people within the State think they are getting, let alone those living for decades and across generations in Pakistani Punjab or Indian Rajasthan?

Most of us are analysing our current predicament on the basis of well designed obfuscation by the British since 1947. Thus, self serving assumptions taught to India & Pakistan to befool the people of JKA have been considered as some kind of 'Authority' devolved to these countries by the United Nations, when in reality no such devolution occurred. We have been tricked to replace demilitarisation with devolution.

As far as the Pakistan Establishment is concerned, there is ample evidence to suggest that they are not inclined to obey public will or cater to public interest in AJK. Their country has not been designed for such a benign purpose.

In the words of the late Abdul Majeed Malik (X CJ of AJK High Court) Pakistan needs to concentrate on demilitarisation as advised by the UN, not falsely assume that they have some sort of responsibility in AJK (& GB), which even if they wanted to, they could not fulfil.

end of comment..

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