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Showing posts with label Plebiscite Front. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Plebiscite Front. Show all posts

Monday, 19 September 2022

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 262 of 2022

1424hrs:

Day 106 at Maqbool Bhat Shaheed Square - Dadyaal.

0757hrs

My punctuality surplus has increased to 29 minutes.

Punctuality percentage: 60 days on time or early of 106 = 57% punctual.

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We are almost into our second week already on JKTV Twitter Space. Today is episode 7:

Today is the 1st of 4 programmes on the agents, activators or influencers of public policy; namely politicians and political parties:

Associated reference:

Possibly the furthest our political parties have reached to highlight our stand to a global audience, by being published in the most widely read newspaper in the world: 

Link

Space Count (That is: How many people have engaged so far): 68 (updated at 1701hrs on 20/09/2022)

Average space count (7 days so far): 97

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United Kashmir People's National Party (UKPNP) held a ground-breaking conference in Pakistan's capital Islamabad today. The coverage of it here on this weblog is merited as they attempted to invite as many political parties as possible (including myself but as I don't travel to Pakistan since 2011, I had to apologise) to deliberate on our national question.

Chief guests were Manzoor Pashteen of the Pashtun Tahaffuz Movement (PTM) and our very own Baba Jaan Hunzai of Gilgit Baltistan. Other parties that participated included; PNP (Pakistan National Party), JKNAP (Jammu Kashmir National Awami Party), KNP Karakorum National Party in GB, Kashmir Freedom Movement (KFM), Kashmir Crises Management, Kashmir Awami Worker's Party (KWAM), JKLF (Toqeer Group), Awami Itahad Party, JKLF (Rauf Group), Kashmir Plebiscite Front, Awami Worker's Party, Gilgit Baltistan People's Rights Movement, Gilgit Baltistan United Movement, Gilgit Baltistan Civil Society, Awami Action Committee Baltistan. Gilgit Bachao Tehreek, Liberation Front, JKLF (Nazriyati) and others.  

Pakistan's clandestine agencies didn't like this get together at all and they tried their best to derail it. However, as has become apparent since 2020 in particular, their grip on affairs has ebbed away. If this conference had taken place a few years ago, they may have been succeeded in their default nefarious designs.

UKPNP issued an 'Islamabad Declaration' at the end of this conference. Here's the press release written by the head of their diplomatic affairs Dr Shabir Choudhary: 


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Tuesday, 6 November 2018

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 310 of 2018

1125hrs:

The massacre of Muslims in the Jammu province in 1947 is commemorated on this day every year. It is difficult to ascertain accurate figures because it is a less talked about series of events. However, I am keen to understand this aspect of the ensuing bloody divide of my motherland. Amongst the most prominent writers this land has produced was Khalid Hasan, his book: 'Memory Lane to Jammu' would be an exception in this regard.

Meanwhile, I take heart from a female Pakistani journalist, who in her frequent opportunities to assess Indo-Pak talks, suggests a solution quite akin to how I feel we should move forward: Here's her tweet: (read fry as by in the tweet)

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There are many citizens in AJK straining to take proactive steps to ensure the people's reference in JKA is adhered to. A prime example is Advocate Azeem Dutt's efforts, as main representative of Jammu Kashmir Plebiscite Front:


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Wednesday, 11 May 2011

Sufi Muhammad Zaman: An embodiment of self-awareness

Sufi Muhammad Zaman: An embodiment of self-awareness

At a particular juncture wherein so-called Azad Kashmir receives as few as six hours of electricity in every twenty-four, despite generating more than six times it's need, the citizen of Kashmir would do well to remember the life and times of Sufi Muhammad Zaman - activist extraordinaire and selfless soul – born to a humble family (whose ancestry originated from the Valley of Kashmir) in Bharmat, old Mirpur in the year 1924. 

Sufi Sahaab spent his life working to re-instate the deprived freedom of his motherland.   He always undertook the torment and torture of false imprisonment with a smiling face and well-chosen words for his interrogators. His waking moments were occupied with addressing the injustices endured by the working classes and downtrodden. His shop 'Awami Boot House' doubled as a nurturing and mentoring venue, it was also referred to as Mirpur's equivalent of Speaker's Corner (Hyde Park - London), always open to the public for refreshment and discussion. His character embodied freedom and love, his criterion was always humanity. Sufi Zaman dreaded fame and fortune, simplicity and agriculture were his traits. His death on the 25th of May 1981 came as a shock and irretrievable loss to the hundreds of thousands that knew him.

This writer hadn't heard of him until he came across an urdu book "Mard-e-Khud Aagah" (A self-aware man) collated and compiled by Sufi Sahaab's younger brother Abdul Jabbar Butt, a well-known activist and intellectual in his own right. In his preface, he stresses on the need for today's youth to understand the emotion and character of his brother Sufi Zaman, which he attributes to the sterling method of upbringing that his parents had delivered to each and every sibling in the family. The term 'sufi' was attributed to him for his regularity in islamic ritual. He differed from many others by his adherence to humanistic ideals and refrained from judging others in terms of their particular personal beliefs or which sect they belonged to. 

His political career had already taken root before 1947 when as a party worker of the Muslim Conference, Sufi Zaman spent time in jail for his outbursts against the Maharajah's autocratic rule and associated injustices. With the emergence of a ceasefire line dividing Kashmir, Sufi Sahaab considered it a line that kept two sets of Kashmiris in opposing jails. He also realised the futility of remaining with the Muslim Conference. It was a political organisation with three conflicting factions. One was led by Sardar Ibrahim of Poonch, another by Choudary Ghulam Abbass of Jammu and the third was led by Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah of the Valley. The aforementioned were largely interested in jockeying for favour with Pakistan and securing an income, rather than addressing public need. The party was also littered with all those who had previously benefitted from the Dogra regime. Each and every occupation of public significance was alloted to party members. Above all, the Muslim Conference's sponsor: Pakistan, wasn't sincere with the Kashmiri cause.

Sufi Zaman's first post-47 initiative was to join and build the "Awami Muslim Conference" in 1951 (or 1952)*, after some initial hesitation on account of his bitter experience with the Muslim Conference. A year later, the title was changed to "Awami Conference" as sectarian  division began to emerge in the party. It was an era when opposing the Muslim Conference was virtually suicidal. Anyone who opposed the only 'legitimate' form of political activity would have their faces blackened and paraded in public. The police, administration and judiciary all operated 'hand-in-glove' to maintain this status quo.

The Awami Conference had a bold progressive manifesto despite it's incipiency and the hostile environment it operated in. No less than total freedom and independence for the erstwhile Dogra State of Jammu and kashmir, avec unity and integrity, a non-discriminatory democratic government free of any bias, an end to the interference of the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, revocation of the Karachi Agreement and full adult franchise to determine representation of the Azad Kashmir public, including Gilgit Baltistan and refugees of the State living in Pakistan. It also wanted a legislative assembly instated forthwith and recognition as an independent country.

By 1962, Pakistan had well and truly placed the 'Kashmir Issue' in a faint background by suppressing the will of the people in Pakistani-administered Kashmir. This enabled them to assert the construction of Mangla Dam. Many villages, including Bharmat (Sufi Sahaab's birthplace) were to be submerged under water and like thousands of others, his family was also forcibly evicted. This juncture in Sufi Sahaab's life possibly solidified his resolve. He considered that our neighbouring country Pakistan had no right to make structural changes to a territory it had no sovereign right over. He felt this trampled the rights of the citizen of the State. What made matters worse was that Pakistan was settling outsiders (Pakistanis) into the State to weaken public opinion and dilute the just claims of the indigineous people, he thought.  

In 1965, the Awami Conference including a range of other political parties and interest groups integrated into the "Mahaaz-e-Rai-Shumaari" (Plebiscite Front). Despite attaining seniority in political stature, Sufi Zaman remained adamant in describing himself as a worker, as opposed to a leader. His other pursuits included farming (he would till his own land) and running a footwear shop in between political debates. He would abandon that too (leaving it open) whenever any member of the public requested his assistance in some public matter. Though he remained with the Plebiscite Front till death, his ideas and methodology were always different and had a unique practical shape of their own. He was fearlessly progressive and always cited the importance of public opinion. His activity involved planning, public speeches, public mobilisation and he forever remained in a constant state of thinking about the future welfare of his people.  

Sufi Sahaab was the perfect example of the fearless yet oozing calm soul, vociferously addressing public concern in public and in the most evident manner possible. The bamboo stick that he carried with him wherever he went would send a shudder down the  spine of many a representative of the powers-that-be. In court, he always made it clear that the judiciary never interpreted the constitution, they were always immersed in the  ideology of convenience. At his Awami Boot House, he always knew that members of clandestine agencies - operating from across the road - were monitoring who and what was being said at his version of Speaker's Corner. Sufi Zaman would talk so loud as to ensure their attention and castigate the authorities for their injustices. During the Mangla Dam Revolt, he was considered a serious enough threat that they kept track of his every movement, anxious that his planning and speeches may cause irremediable damage.  
  
Maintaining a simple and forthright life till the end, he lived a dream. Public appreciation was captured in possibly the largest funeral procession of the time. The  concern people like Sufi Muhammad Zaman espoused is being felt every day as our economy lies stunted for want of electricity (amongst many other issues). We're constantly having to suffer for want of something we have in abundance, yet can't access.

* There is some ambiguity over the exact year of formation. It is either 1951 or 1952.

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Author is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com.

This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 11th of May 2011.

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Daily Diary (DD) - Day 278 of 2026

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