Daily Diary (DD) - Day 311 of 2025

1220hrs:

Countdown to end of 2025: 55 days

It gets worse before it gets better is how I feel. Today, I have found myself 7 hours behind schedule. I may have only slept 6 hours which is the average I am getting of late but I didn't get to sleep till 0400hrs (an hour after the time I am supposed to be waking up!) and got up at 1000hrs.

....

This is a young man who could have emerged as a genius for this State but personal problems and particularly a failed marriage at a young age shook him to the core. He has been in a disturbed state of mind and has been missing from his abode of Khwaja Seri, near Sharda for over 4 months. 

He was last reported to be seen in the vicinity of Bagh and Rawalakot and there is a possibility that he may even have crossed the LOC/CFL at Tithrinote. Citizens on either side in these areas are asked to report any citing or knowledge of his whereabouts.

This message is reproduced here on behalf of his family and well wishers.

....

Here is a guest article from my somewhat estranged Kashmiri Pandit brother: 

Kuldeep Pandita of Rainawari Srinagar 

(Living in enforced exile in Chennai Tamil Nadu India)

Azadi’s Shadow

The Myth of Sati Sar, Camouflaged Realities and Kashmir’s Militant Struggle

The myth of Sati Sar—created by Lord Shiva for his wife Sati, later reborn as Parvati—symbolizes divine union and cosmic harmony in Hindu mythology. Shiva’s act represents cosmic order, and Sati Sar stands for the sacred connection between divine powers. Yet, the story’s paradox arises when a revered sage, Kashyap, is said to have violated or drained the lake—an impossible affront given Shiva’s supremacy. This contradiction suggests that this element is symbolic, a crafted narrative to address dissonance within the myth.

To justify the violation, myth-makers introduced a demon who seized the lake, plunging it into chaos and necessitating Shiva’s fierce intervention to restore order. This demon is not a mere historical fact but a narrative device playing on humanity’s deep-seated yearning for moral clarity—the “pleasure and obsession with goodness syndrome.” Across religions and cultures, the production of demons or asuras serves to legitimize divine authority by emphasizing a cosmic battle between good and evil.

Without such figures, religious doctrines lose the ability to frame ethical struggle and spiritual triumph. This dynamic has powerful analogues in modern political landscapes—none more relevant than the militancy that gripped Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir (PoK) in the 1990s.

The militant insurgency disrupted peace, much like the mythological demon disrupting the sacred lake. This “demon”, armed with ideology and violence, sowed chaos and fear, eroding the hopes encapsulated by the promise of Azadi ("freedom"). Yet, the state response—reasserting control over northern Kashmir by raising barriers and fortifications—mirrors Shiva’s restoration of order by raising a protective mountain wall around the sacred waters. 

In reality, the militancy in PoK was deeply camouflaged by narratives of liberation and justice, but beneath lay strategic interests—Pakistan’s desire for depth and leverage rather than a genuine quest for freedom for Kashmiris.

The echo of this political camouflage resonates with global movements where ideological fronts mask complex realities—Arab Spring’s omitted Islamist undercurrents, India’s layered 'Quit India' movement, or the 'Black Lives Matter' movement’s evolution from symbol to broad systemic reckoning. 

Similarly, PoK’s claim to Azadi under the euphemism “Azad Jammu and Kashmir” cloaks a curated reality of settlements, curfews and silenced voices. The scale of conflict and control dwarfs idealistic appeals. As in global agitations, millions are mobilized not by nuanced truth but by powerful, simple narratives—lies or camouflaged truths felt viscerally by crowds. 

The draining of Sati Sar by Kashyap and the demon’s oppression allegorize the leakage of hope in PoK, where fears and power games outvote ethics. The military’s containment of militancy is the reversal of Kashyap’s violation—restoring Shiva’s will in a tangible form. It isolates and neutralizes the demons who infiltrate, raising barriers analogous to the mythic mountain walls, pushing back darkness with force. Thus, the mythic and the real intertwine. 

Myths do not merely recount history or preach morality; they mirror enduring human conflicts—between order and chaos, truth and camouflage, hope and fear.

PoK’s struggle, seen through this mythic prism, challenges us to reckon with the harsh scale at which ideas operate, the cost of camouflage and the complex dance of reality and myth in shaping human destiny. In confronting this, the question remains daunting: to abandon mythic idealism in favour of cold realism, or to forge from both a truer fire that can truly liberate. Until then, silence sustains—and the demons linger.

....

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 241 of 2025

1444hrs:

A very lax past 24 hours, reflected in the timing of today's post which is even later than yesterday.

Family commitments have kept me engaged otherwise, although that can never be an excuse to not conduct all daily duties in a timely manner.

....

I was requested to draft a brief summary of the people's narrative from a historical perspective up to the present day; for the purposes of politicians, diplomats and other monitors of this territory that we describe as Jammu Kashmir & Allied (areas) or JKA for short:

The Terms ‘Jammu’ & ‘Kashmir’

Although written history can be traced back at least a couple of thousand years, the terms ‘Jammu’ & ‘Kashmir’ came together at the ‘Treaty of Amritsar’ on the 16th of March 1846, emerging as a result of the ‘Treaty of Lahore’ a week earlier. These were a series of events that signalled the downfall of the Ranjeet Singh era and the ascendancy of the British Indian colonial empire.

Both regions being adjacent to each other (viz. Jammu & Kashmir), one can trace a fluidity (like many other parts of the world) whereby each region in different eras would have had a different shape depending on its influence and relative power. No doubt, the term ‘Kashmir’ has been more widely known and used throughout history compared to ‘Jammu’.  

A lot of modern historians have tended to classify the history of the region using the terminology of religious identity. For example, there was a Hindu era pre Buddhist era (3rd century BCE to the 8th century CE) before another Hindu era emerged in the 8th century. Thereafter began the Muslim era in the 14th century viz. 1320 CE.  

Throughout history, the region has generally remained independent and this is exemplified through the writings of Pandit Kalhana in Rajatarangini (The chronological history of Kings) first published in 1148-49 CE. This historical account is generally described as the first of such in the whole Indian sub-continent & surrounding areas.

Pushing forward towards the modern day, it is generally noted by historians that the region of Kashmir lost its independence to the ascendant Mughal Indian empire in 1586 CE, followed by the Afghans who ruled this region from 1752 to 1819 before Sikh rule under Ranjeet Singh coincided with the gradual accumulation of territory by Gulab Singh, using Jammu as his power base. 

Birth of the State of Jammu & Kashmir

This is what then led to the formation of the State of Jammu & Kashmir (Referred to as J & K here on) in 1846, under British suzerainty.

Gulab Singh of Jammu and his family had prospered under Sikh Rule, signified by accumulation of territory up to Tibet (Ladakh), including Baltistan and other areas surrounding what is the Kashmir Valley. With the demise of Ranjeet Singh in 1838 began a series of in-fighting over succession and as the family of Gulab Singh also got caught up in these intrigues, they gradually made distance from what was left of the Sikh Empire and transferred their allegiance to the ascendant British colonial power. These events eventually facilitated the Treaty of Amritsar in 1846 (upon defeat of the remnants of the Sikh Empire by the British) as a quid pro quo between Gulab Singh and the British.

In turn, what was now termed as ‘Dogra Rule’ (indicating the region of Jammu where Gulab Singh and his successors originated from) developed their rule over what became c. 85,000 square miles of territory, including the regions of Gilgit Baltistan, Ladakh, the Kashmir Valley, Aksai Chin (Tibet Ha adjacent to the territory of Tibet), Jammu and what is today AJK (essentially splintered from the regions of the Kashmir Valley & Jammu).        

Although rule between 1846 and 1947 remained autocratic and harsh by some accounts, it remained consistent and stable. By the emergence of the 3rd successor to Gulab Singh (after his son Ranbir Singh followed in turn by his son Pratap Singh) Hari Singh was the nephew of Pratap SIngh (as the latter didn’t have any children) and was comparatively modern minded, introducing various socio-economic reforms including a definition of citizenship (State Subject Rule 20 April 1927), compulsory education and the introduction of a parliament (conducting 3 elections between 1934 and 1947 albeit with limited adult franchise). It is also important to note that bilateral agreements made between the State of J & K and British India were more balanced in terms & conditions while being protective of the territory of J & K, compared to all agreements made between post 1947 politicians and India & Pakistan. Examples include the Upper Jhelum Water Canal Agreement of 1904 and the Gilgit Lease Agreement of 1935.

It is also important to acknowledge that the public (or subjects under an autocratic dynasty) played a significant part in activism which led to some of the reforms described above.

Failure or Success of Outside Intervention?

It is within this framework ‘autocracy vs democracy’ that the rights movement pre 1947 should be understood rather than from a religious identity prism (viz. Hindu autocrat vs Muslim majority subjects), which tends to play into the 2 nation theory that the British colonial setup worked so successfully to establish post 1857 (Indian Independence Movement). This had led to the experiment of partitioning Bengal in 1905 and the Minto Morley Reforms of 1909 that created separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims in British India. These strategies to control the ‘locals’ compelled colonial subjects to conceptualise their rights based on their religious identity and perceive their fellow compatriots as the ‘other’, rather than the colonial power manipulating them.

What essentially should have been a peaceful transfer of power from ‘autocracy to democracy’ coinciding with British colonial departure from the region in 1947 and the end of British suzerainty in J & K, was converted into a question of accession to either India or Pakistan. The goalposts had been changed. Both the autocrat and his former subjects were marginalised in the process.

The United Nations was invoked to create a conflict resolution framework after both Indian and Pakistani troops under British command (at different intervals and under differing pretexts) were sent into the State of J & K to ostensibly protect the local population. 

It is important to note that the notion of asking the people (through a plebiscite) based on a non-binding conflict resolution framework that sough voluntary withdrawal of troops from both sides; was both a convenient way for Britain to avoid accountability and for India & Pakistan to cement their respective presence in the State of J & K, which endures to date.           

Indigenous Freedom Struggle Post 1947

With the autocrat (Hari Singh) adeptly thwarted from retaining the independence of the State of J & K and his former subjects lured into a split between an Indian (National Congress via National Conference & Sheikh Abdullah) and a Pakistani (Muslim League via Muslim Conference & Sardar Ibrahim), while simultaneously being given the impression that the United Nations would imminently resolve this matter, gradually transpired as an ‘eyewash’ for the people. 

Their rights struggle which was many decades old and for some communities even over a century old, was now tied in a straightjacket, with intermittent yet regular conflict between India & Pakistan, ensuring mounting casualties of the local population and apparently nobody even acknowledging their cries in 2025.   

Various freedom icons (Maqbool Butt being the most prominent) and rights movements have emerged to date, to try and help their compatriots break free of these modern chains of slavery; characterised by a structural absence of freedom of expression, association, assembly & movement on both sides of the divide. The Chinese encroachment into 17% of the State and looming ecological disasters throughout the region, only add to the complexities: which if pre 1947 - the autocratic ruler and his subjects had come to an understanding together - would have ensured a geopolitically neutral territory adopting the highest forms of direct democracy (surpassing the standards set by Switzerland) in a region which is most certainly - in relative terms – the most precious and thus sought after territory in the world, on account of its geographic location and the resources (particularly downhill inclined fresh water) flowing through it. 

Continued external manipulation would ensure indefinite multipolar conflict and internal strangulation of aspirations, while an internal political process without external influence based on the stakeholders binding each other into a contract clarifying each other’s rights & responsibilities (particularly over water management), would provide the most feasible opportunities for peace & prosperity of the whole region, which ultimately accounts for half the world’s population.         

....

The above brief historical summary of where the people (descendants of former State Subjects of Jammu Kashmir & Allied areas) find themselves in 2025; was written on the 29th of August 2025 by Tanveer Ahmed, an independent action-oriented public policy researcher - working un-interrupted on-the-ground in AJK since April 2005 - operating through direct public funding of the people of this territory, in an inclusive & equitable manner.  

....

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 16 of 2025

1856hrs:

I'm inputting today's diary almost 14 hours later than intended. My routine is haywire, despite which I'm still fulfilling all my daily duties, just not in the right time frame in a daily routine context.

....

Dr Nazir Gilani continues with his documentation activism and gives his prescription on demilitarisation:

Demilitarizing Kashmir: A Call for Peace, Dialogue, and Self-Determination

The recent remarks made by the Indian Army Chief during the 77th Army Day celebrations, where he accused Pakistan of orchestrating violence in Kashmir and emphasized the induction of 15,000 additional troops in 2024, have sparked significant reactions, particularly from Pakistan. While the situation in Kashmir is undeniably complex, it is important to address the issue within the broader historical context, international commitments, and the necessity for a peaceful resolution that prioritizes the rights and aspirations of the Kashmiri people.

1. Historical Context and UN Supervised Vote:

The Kashmir dispute is not merely a military issue but a deeply political and human rights issue rooted in the promises made at the time of India’s partition and the subsequent accession of Jammu and Kashmir to India. The Government of India (GOI) has committed itself to a UN-supervised plebiscite in Kashmir, as outlined in United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 47. The resolution calls for a fair and free process where the Kashmiri people can determine their future. This commitment was reaffirmed at the 230th meeting of the UNSC in 1948, which outlined the role of Indian forces in the region as supplementary and temporary, tasked only with ensuring law and order.

However, the ongoing militarization of the region—especially the recent induction of an additional 15,000 troops in 2024—directly undermines the spirit of these original agreements and international resolutions. The heavy military presence today stands in stark contrast to the intent of UNSC Resolution 47, which sought restraint in the appearance, number, and stationing of forces in the region to avoid exacerbating tensions and to promote a peaceful resolution.

2. Britain’s Acknowledgment of the Insurgency and Diverse Stakeholders:

During the 251st meeting of the UNSC, Britain acknowledged the continuation of the insurgency in Kashmir and pointed out that the conflict involves not just India and Pakistan but also six distinct interest groups within Kashmir itself. These groups—representing various political, social, and ethnic constituencies—have long been anchored in the belief that the UN-supervised plebiscite is the ultimate solution. Their expectations, based on international commitments, have shaped the political discourse surrounding the Kashmir issue for decades.

Thus, when India’s Army Chief labels Pakistan as the “epicentre of terrorism” it oversimplifies the situation and diverts attention from the core issue: the right of the Kashmiri people to determine their own future. While external actors may play a role, the primary concern is the political status of Kashmir and the aspirations of its people. The ongoing insurgency is rooted in both local grievances and the unresolved political status of the region, and framing the issue as a purely external one fails to address these complexities. The focus should be on resolving the issue through political means, respecting the wishes of the Kashmiri people, and honouring international commitments.

3. The Need for Demilitarization:

Demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir is essential to creating an environment conducive to peace, dialogue, and reconciliation. The continuing induction of military forces, such as the 15,000 additional troops in 2024, only serves to escalate tensions, perpetuate human rights violations, and further alienate the Kashmiri people. The commitment to reducing the military footprint in the region is a crucial step toward restoring trust and creating conditions for a peaceful resolution.

India has made a specific commitment to reduce its military presence in the region. At the 608th meeting of the UNSC, India stated that the minimum necessary force to maintain order in Kashmir was 28,000. However, the Indian government also offered, in a significant gesture, that “on complete disbandment and disarmament of the Azad Kashmir forces, and as a further contribution towards a settlement, the GOI is prepared to effect a further reduction of 7,000 to a figure of 21,000, which is the absolute and irreducible minimum.” This force would be without any supporting arms, such as armour or artillery, as India emphasized the need to avoid further militarization of the region.

This offer of reduction should be seen as a positive step towards demilitarization, but it remains inadequate if the overall approach to Kashmir continues to prioritize military means over political solutions. There is no room for militarizing Kashmir further. The region cannot be resolved by force; it is the consent of the Kashmiri people and the promise of a UN-supervised plebiscite that must prevail. The military presence cannot replace the democratic rights of the Kashmiri people, and the way forward must involve reducing the military presence while promoting dialogue, self-determination, and peace.

4. The Role of the Kashmiri People and the UN Template:

The ultimate resolution of the Kashmir issue must centre around the will of the Kashmiri people, as guaranteed by the United Nations and the commitments made by both India and Pakistan at the UNSC in 1948. The heavy militarization of the region is at odds with the political and democratic aspirations of the Kashmiri people. The UN-supervised plebiscite remains the most legitimate path forward, one that respects the rights of Kashmiris to choose their future.

As highlighted in the State Autonomy Committee Report of June 2000, Jammu and Kashmir’s provisional accession was limited to three areas—defence, communications, and foreign affairs. These restrictions must guide the future governance of the region. Any solution that involves continued militarization and repression will only deepen the divide. The focus must shift to fulfilling international promises, especially the commitment to a UN-supervised plebiscite, and to ensuring that the political rights of the Kashmiri people are fully respected.

5. A Call for Peace and Political Dialogue:

India and Pakistan, along with the international community, must move beyond military posturing and engage in genuine dialogue aimed at achieving a political resolution that respects the rights and aspirations of the Kashmiri people. The Kashmir issue cannot be solved by military means; it requires a political settlement that recognizes the legitimacy of the Kashmiri people's demand for self-determination. India’s continued military presence in Kashmir must be reconsidered in light of international commitments, and the focus should be on reducing military forces while promoting a peace process that includes all stakeholders.

The path to peace in Kashmir lies in honouring the principles of self-determination and democratic governance. The UN-supervised plebiscite remains the only legitimate solution, and India must reaffirm its commitment to this process, ensuring that the military does not stand in the way of the political aspirations of the Kashmiri people.

Conclusion:

In conclusion, JKCHR advocates for the immediate demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir, in line with the United Nations’ framework and the promises made by both India and Pakistan. India’s offer to reduce its military presence to 21,000 troops without supporting arms should be viewed as a step towards peace, but it is essential that this reduction be part of a broader political resolution that respects the aspirations of the Kashmiri people. The solution lies not in military control but in political dialogue and the implementation of a UN-supervised plebiscite, ensuring that the people of Kashmir are the ones who determine their future.

Dr. Syed Nazir Gilani

President JKCHR

16.01.2025

Dr Nazir Gilani's Facebook post above may be commented on here

I have made the following comment there:

You are probably the only person qualified to anchor such a discussion. Demilitarisation involves creating alternative security arrangements as much as an environment of 'freedom of expression'. These are all matters of internal dynamics within the State, which - the #People of the territory of #AJK - can be credited for creating such amicable conditions, through peaceful & thoughtful mass activism.

....

Later in the evening, we continue with our daily live vlog on Facebook:

Who qualifies to work in public interest in AJK? 

Options:

1) Any individual? 

2) Any party? 

3) Any forum? 

4) Any alliance? 

5) Any committee? 

6) Any government? 

7) Any tribe? 

8) Any religious sect or other special interest group? 

Your answers please. 

As short or as long as possible? 

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Questionnaire:  #EQ1201516012025

Additional Question:

Do you want to buy conflict stock or peace stock to earn a 10,000% gain (on 10 year fixed deposit) as individuals in the most coveted State in the world?

Follow this daily vlog here on this page (FB) Tanveer Ahmed (sahaafi) or on our dedicated TikTok account - opened on the first day of this year (2025) - @jkapublicagency1

#Conflict2Peace

#PublicPolicy

#PopularSovereignty

#1To100Economy

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E232016012025

Responses:

(names remain anonymous at this stage but the relevant district of the respondents is mentioned:

1) Mirpur

نمبر ون (Number 1) viz. any individual

2) Bagh

ایک مشترکہ کمیٹی اور الائنس میں کوئی خاص فرق نہیں ۔ مختصر جواب یہی ہے کے کمیٹی ہو یا الائنس جانداز منشور کے ساتھ اگر جدوجہد کرے تو بہتر ہوگا

(English translation)

There isn't much difference between a collective committee and an alliance. In short, whether it is a committee or an alliance, if it struggles with a strong manifesto, that is best.

3) Muzaffarabad

#4 viz. any alliance

4) Muzaffarabad

2 viz. any party

5) Kotli

Aphc. (All Parties Hurriyat Conference)

6) Neelam

I don't think,.... that the agencies mentioned above are in the position to do something for the welfare of the people of AAJK.....all types of caretaker system are being introduced here to continue the on going situation..... because many people of the globe including India, Pakistan and China, have to earn their bread and butter from this issue that is known as Kashmir problem.

7) Poonch

Jammu Kashmir joint Awami Action Committee

8) Mirpur

To work for the welfare of humanity in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, the approach should be divided into two distinct phases:

i)The Pre-Independence Era of the Entire State:

Before the full independence of the state, it is unrealistic to rely on laws and constitutions for serving the people, as the region is currently under the administration of multiple countries. Instead of ensuring public welfare, these laws and systems have become tools for exploitation and deceit.

In this phase, a strong public alliance will be essential. People must come together, beyond all divisions, to work selflessly for the betterment of humanity.

Efforts should focus on providing basic necessities, facilitating lives, and solving immediate problems through collective action and mutual cooperation.

ii) The Post-Independence Era of the Entire State:

Once the state achieves full independence, a robust and transparent constitution must be established, ensuring equal rights and welfare for all its citizens.

This constitution should include mechanisms for real enforcement, not just theoretical provisions.

It must empower a leader who is a true well-wisher of the entire state, someone who prioritizes humanity, justice, and progress over personal or regional biases.

9) Poonch

1 🙏🏻 viz. any individual

10) UK (Guest response)

Any AJK citizen

11) Poonch

Forums and government.

Also individuals but individual efforts are often fragmented and subjective.

My Response:

Individuals also have a better chance of remaining non-partisan in public affairs. Just a thought.

Their Response (in turn):

Yes, I am the same individual. Doing my work on my own but for the people of AJK.

12) Muzaffarabad

AsSlamOAlikum, 

Hopefully you are done well, profound gratitude that you considered my opinion also means something. 

That part of the Azad Jammu and Kashmir region which we call Azad Kashmir, We have always been in a state of confusion as to whether we are free or whether we are slaves. Because the rulers who impose their rule on us sometimes say that "we are free "Azad Kashmir", sometimes they say that we will take the Freedom "Hum Ly ka Rahen Gy Azadi". 

A small region with resources three times its size has been so degraded that the majority of its population cannot live there. In the last few years, we have seen that most of the youth of Pakistan have left the country after the COVID-19 pandemic & they went and started looking for jobs in other countries. Even now, thinkers, planners, strategists and other patriots sitting in Pakistan are in shock over this... It is being repeatedly discussed that the future of Pakistan is in great danger because the youth here have left. I ask all my friends in Azad Kashmir, out of a population of 4.2 million, 2.6 million Kashmiris have almost said goodbye to their state and gone to other countries for employment. Has any ruler of Azad Kashmir, or our lawyer Pakistan, ever said anything about this? I have not met any famous person, leader, party, forum, alliance, committee, government, opposition, community, tribe, religion or sect I have never seen anyone discuss or work in a progressive manner on this important issue, or any other issue that is relevant to the people of this state.

Our hearts also ache when these situations arise before us and we are unable to do anything special even if we want to. If we talk about hope, then surely one person can come along who can change the situation in the entire state. Such a person can come in the form of a party, a forum, an alliance committee, a government or any other group, But this is just a matter of hope, and the world of dreams is built on hope. It takes hard work to create a world of real reality. 

I would absolutely say that unless our education system is modernized, we will continue to face difficulties. If today we have achieved our rights through our unity, awareness and protest, tomorrow they will bring out a new agenda and put us in harm's way. We have to move forward in our education system along with awareness. I am very impressed with the role played by the Jammu and Kashmir Joint Public Action Committee in the last two years. The entire state was united and brought awareness, and Kashmiris all over the world proudly said, "Yes, I am a Kashmiri." This is a great thing. I would like to thank all 30 members of the committee for this, But my demand is from all the youth of the Kashmiri nation that they should start working for their rights and welfare themselves. 

Allah Pak only helps those who help themselves, We, the people of Azad Jammu and Kashmir, may be few in number, but we are enough to unite our entire country of Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, which has been divided into pieces, and bring it back into one state. Though this determination must include the spirit that we practically play a full role in the welfare of our region. We ourselves must be capable enough to face our oppressors with equality.  The day we become capable, That will be the first day of our prosperity and our enemy will die his own death. 

Therefore I believe, none of any organization is qualified enough to work truly in a public interest but the Educated Youth and People Themselves.

13) Sudhnoti

Anyone and everyone can work in public interest as long as they know what is the public interest concerning subject matters of public interest, how to mobilise tangible and intangible resources, how to develop and sustain partnerships and manage stakeholders and risks.

14) Neelam

عوامی مفاد کے لیے اب تک کام کرنے والی  جموں کشمیر جوائنٹ عوامی ایکشن کمیٹی ہے جو عوامی مفاد کے لیے کام کر رہی ہے مخلص ہو کر

(English translation)

Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee has to date worked for public interest in a sincere manner.

15) Poonch

Option 1) Any Individual 

Reasoning for my answer: state must treat all her statesmen equal.

16) Sudhnoti

4 viz. any alliance

17) Mirpur

"I firmly believe that only loyal and dedicated residents of Jammu and Kashmir, who genuinely prioritize the welfare and development of the region, should be considered for leadership or decision-making roles. It shouldn't matter which political party, sect, or community (bradri) they belong to, as long as their intentions are true and they are committed to serving the people, rather than acting as mere puppets for external influences."

18) Mirpur

Anyone who has the collective interest at heart and is motivated solely in public interest and not personal interest

19) Kotli

Any government

20) Jhelum Valley (Hattian)

In AJK, any individual, party, forum, alliance, committee, government, tribe, or group can work in the public interest; provided their efforts are inclusive, transparent, and focused on collective welfare. 

The key is to prioritize public needs over personal or partisan agendas. The Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee is a notable example of such effective and consistent advocacy, addressing fundamental public issues with integrity and commitment.

21) Neelam

Whatever little is being done, is being done by the Joint Awami Action Committee. Apart from that; there is no movement, party, committee or other (organisational) formation doing anything in public interest. This is the truth. Even if someone wants to do something in public interest, they do not have the support of the public. Whatever you are doing, I am with you unconditionally. Whenever you need my support, you will find me standing with you.

22) Sudhnoti

Some individuals only.

23) Muzaffarabad

1 viz. any individual

24) Bagh

"Any individual" who is a citizen of AJK.

25) Muzaffarabad

ایکشن کمیٹی

جموں کشمیر جوائنٹ عوامی ایکشن

کمیٹث

(English translation)

Action Committee

Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action

Committed

26) Haveli

Action committee

27) Kotli

Every individual should be selected through a computer-based, tamper-proof system that combines psychometric tests to ensure recruitment is based solely on merit. The entire process must be made as transparent as possible. Those serving our nation should receive top-tier salaries to attract the most qualified candidates. This approach will ensure they feel rewarded, reducing the likelihood of them leaving the job or engaging in risky behaviour.

28) Kotli

JKGB Awami Action Committee

29) Sudhnoti

عوامی ایکشن کمیٹی جوائنٹ عوامی ایکشن کمیٹی ریاست جم کشمیر کے حقوق کے لیے جس طرح کام کر رہی ہے میرے اندازے میں اگر اسی طرح ہم سب متفق ہو کر کام کریں تو ریاست جموں کشمیر کی ازادی خود مختاری یا لوگوں کے حقوق ان کو مل سکتے ہیں

(English translation)

The manner in which Joint Awami Action Committee is working for the collective rights of the people of Kashmir, it is my estimation that if we all agree to work together then the freedom, independence of the State of Jammu Kashmir or the rights of the people can be obtained.

30) Kotli

عوام کی حکومت ہونی چاہیے

(English translation)

The public should have their own government

31) Bagh

1 viz. any individual

&

5 viz. any committee

32) Bagh

1 viz. any individual

33) Neelam

The movement in Azad Kashmir has only just begun to gain momentum, particularly with the emergence of the Awami Action Committee. To truly bring about change, we must start at the individual level. Our occupiers, trained in the British tradition of 'divide and rule,' have long exploited our divisions. It's essential that we educate ourselves and the masses about the realities of our occupation and its impact on our lives.

We must recognize that our struggles are not just about economic survival but also about reclaiming our rights and autonomy.

34) Mirpur

(1) Any individual

….

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 10 of 2025

1040hrs:

5 hours and 40 minutes later than intended. 

....

Dr Nazir Gilani is making most optimum use of his time and expertise for the nation of 'Kashmiris' in particular. It is one of the tragedies of this beautiful land that its people do not recognise merit among themselves. They seek unjustifiable strength from outside while repeatedly overlooking strength on the inside, between their own. In the case of the AJK Government, who needs a roadmap when its patrons and appeasers are content with swinging around a roundabout endlessly?

Actionable Roadmap on Kashmir

Honourable Prime Minister,

It is a surprise and a disappointment that, after 77 years, 2 months, and 17 days since the establishment of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), and 77 years and 10 days since the Kashmir issue was first raised at the United Nations (UN), we are still unable to produce a clear, actionable roadmap for the Kashmiri people's freedom.

This delay is not just an administrative failure; it is a profound injustice to those who have suffered for generations. Kashmir has lost a whole generation, and the impact of this deficit will have far-reaching consequences, particularly in the context of any future UN-supervised vote on self-determination. The region is not only dismembered but has also been stripped of its legislature, its special rights, and its dignity. India, a UN member, has blatantly violated its Charter obligations and the UN template on Kashmir.

On January 5, you called upon the All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) to deliver a  “clear” and “actionable” roadmap for Kashmir’s freedom. While your intent is commendable, this request raises a series of urgent and critical questions that must be addressed now, rather than later.

1. Why Start From Scratch?

The AJK Government was established in October 1947, and the APHC has adhered to a constitutional discipline since 1993—aligned with the UN’s framework on Kashmir. Given this history, why are we still asking the APHC to come up with something new? Why hasn’t the AJK Government already produced a clear roadmap based on these established principles and historical momentum? We have frameworks, principles, and international support already in place—why are we failing to act on them?

2. Leveraging Existing Legal Frameworks

The AJK Government operates under the 1970 and 1974 Acts, which provide a strong legal foundation to address the Kashmir issue. These acts, combined with the UN’s resolutions, lay out a clear path forward. Why is the AJK Government not using these frameworks to advance the Kashmir cause immediately? Instead of asking the APHC to reinvent the wheel, shouldn’t the existing legal and constitutional mechanisms be fully utilized to advance our case on the global stage?

3. The 9-Point Formula of 2019

In May 2019, the President of AJK presented a 9-point formula to the OIC Contact Group on Kashmir in Jeddah. If it was duly debated and approved, what happened to it? Why is the APHC being tasked with coming up with something new in 2025. APHC has a constitutional roadmap.

4. India’s Violations: What Has Changed?

India, as a UN member state, has blatantly violated its obligations by revoking Kashmir’s special status on August 5, 2019, in direct contradiction to the spirit and letter of UN resolutions. Given this violation, why is the AJK Government now calling for a new “roadmap”? Shouldn’t the international community, led by the “AJK Government”, be holding India accountable for its unlawful actions, rather than reimagining the Kashmir cause from scratch?

5. The AJK Government's Role:

It is profoundly concerning that, after all these years, the AJK Government is still waiting for the APHC to create a roadmap. The responsibility for action has long been with the AJK Government. Why, after 77 years, is the government still not prepared to lead the charge? A coherent, well-thought-out strategy should have been in place decades ago, yet here we are asking the APHC to step in and fill the void. What specific actions will the AJK Government take to lead the struggle, to bring Kashmir’s case to the international stage, and to hold India accountable for its actions?

Conclusion:

Prime Minister, while your call for a “clear” and “actionable” roadmap is necessary, the reality is that we are far beyond the point where such a request should have been made. The roadmap should already exist, based on the frameworks and agreements that have been in place for decades. The 9-point formula of 2019, the UN resolutions, and the AJK Government’s own constitutional frameworks already provide the groundwork for a comprehensive, actionable strategy.

It is time for leadership, not procrastination. Kashmir’s cause deserves a strategy that reflects its historical and legal rights. It deserves a plan that holds India accountable for its violations of international law and reasserts the Kashmiri people’s right to self-determination. We need a roadmap, but we already have the tools and frameworks to create it. The question is: when will we use them?

Dr. Syed Nazir Gilani

President JKCHR

10.01.2025

 

One may comment directly on Dr Nazir Gilani's post on Facebook here

....

We continue with our daily vlog via Facebook Live:

Our people have always been in search of short cuts to resolve an increasingly complex and entangled problem viz. restoring the people's #Right2Rule in #AJK > #JKA 

They will have to follow the right sequence viz. 

1) Securing a public mandate from over 95% of the voting population. 

2) Identify political representatives from each political constituency, while ensuring each constituency has an equally proportionate population. 

3) Fulfilling all technical (legal, constitutional, social, economic, security etc.) requirements. 

4) Operate a genuinely free government in AJK that can increase the economic livelihood opportunities of the people 100x over. 

Making or joining a political party are not sufficient to fulfill the above process, though their role in the second part of the sequence is crucial. 

#Conflict2Peace

#PublicPolicy

#PopularSovereignty

#1To100Economy

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E235510012025

....

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 9 of 2025

1130hrs:

6 and a half hours later than intended. It's the beginning part of the sleep cycle that needs addressing, as last night it began at c. 0230hrs.

The lower part of my back is also experiencing acute pain since yesterday morning. 

.... 

We continue to mirror Dr Nazir Gilani's analysis on this platform, making the most of his presence in the neighbourhood:

Special status of Azad Kashmir

Azad Kashmir's Special Status and the Need for Understanding and Enforcement

The status of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) remains a complex and highly debated issue within the broader Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan. However, there is no question that Azad Kashmir has a special status, and this status needs to be understood, respected, and enforced, both in terms of its unique historical context and its legal and political framework, as prescribed by Pakistan's constitution and the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP).

1. Historical and Legal Context of Azad Kashmir’s Special Status

The Standstill Agreement of 15 August 1947 between Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan marks the beginning of the dispute over Kashmir, setting the stage for what has become a prolonged political conflict between India and Pakistan. While India has integrated its portion of Jammu and Kashmir into its political and constitutional framework, Pakistan assumed a different approach toward the territory under its control, leading to the creation of Azad Kashmir.

Azad Kashmir was never intended to be a fully integrated province of Pakistan. Instead, it was envisioned as a temporary administrative set-up that would function as a provisional government until the ultimate political status of the region could be determined through a UN-supervised plebiscite. This arrangement was solidified by the UNCIP (United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan), which monitored the situation in Kashmir following the 1947 partition.

The UNCIP’s role in this context is crucial because it was explicitly tasked with overseeing the governance and political situation in Azad Kashmir, which was deemed a local authority under its supervision, rather than a fully recognized international entity. This unique status underscores the fact that Azad Kashmir is distinct from other regions and is not a fully sovereign or integrated part of Pakistan. It remains in a state of administrative limbo, with a provisional status awaiting a final decision by the people of the region.

2. Legal Foundation of Azad Kashmir’s Special Status in the Constitution of Pakistan

The Constitution of Pakistan, particularly Article 257, reinforces the special status of Azad Kashmir by explicitly stating that the region’s future relationship with Pakistan should be decided by the will of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, in accordance with the results of a UN-supervised plebiscite. This article acknowledges that the region's relationship with Pakistan is provisional and must ultimately be determined by a free expression of the Kashmiri people's wishes.

Article 257 reflects the commitment of the Pakistani government to respecting the principle of self-determination for the people of Kashmir, a right that was guaranteed under international law, particularly as outlined in UN resolutions. The special status of Azad Kashmir, as reflected in Article 257, provides a legal framework under which the region's governance and political alignment are inherently subject to change based on the outcome of this plebiscite.

3. Azad Kashmir as a "Local Authority" Under UNCIP Supervision

The UNCIP framework further emphasizes the transitory and provisional nature of Azad Kashmir’s governance. The region is described as a local authority, and its governance is subject to oversight, not through military or direct intervention, but through diplomatic and supervisory channels under the Commission’s guidance. This means that while Azad Kashmir is allowed to govern its internal affairs, its status as a fully autonomous or permanently integrated part of Pakistan has never been settled.

It is vital to clarify that this “local authority” status does not mean Azad Kashmir is without recognition or sovereignty. Rather, it indicates that Azad Kashmir’s autonomy and self-governance exist within a temporary framework until the final status of Jammu and Kashmir is resolved through the plebiscite process, which was initially proposed in UN resolutions and remains the basis for international law in the region.

4. The 1974 Act and the Special Role of Azad Kashmir

The Azad Jammu and Kashmir Interim Constitution Act of 1974 further entrenches the idea of Azad Kashmir as a provisional government with a distinct special status. This act establishes a self-governing framework for Azad Kashmir, creating the Azad Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly and the Prime Minister's office, which exercise powers over the region’s day-to-day governance, while maintaining the relationship with Pakistan based on the principle of UN-supervised plebiscite.

It is important to note that the Act of 1974 explicitly recognizes that the primary objective of the region's governance is to provide good governance and better administration until the final determination of Jammu and Kashmir’s political status through a free and fair plebiscite. The recognition of this temporary governance structure emphasizes that Azad Kashmir’s governance is based on a framework of special administrative autonomy that must be understood as a stepping stone toward a final, democratic resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

5. Pakistan’s Role and Responsibilities

Pakistan itself acknowledges that it has assumed the responsibility of overseeing Azad Kashmir's governance, in line with its role in the larger Kashmir issue. This responsibility is defined within the UNCIP framework, which, while not military in nature, underscores the fact that Azad Kashmir's political future is subject to international oversight until the plebiscite takes place. Pakistan also affirms that the relationship between Azad Kashmir and the rest of Pakistan should ultimately be determined by the people of Jammu and Kashmir, in line with the provisions of Article 257 of Pakistan’s constitution.

Thus, Pakistan's role is not one of direct control or annexation but of facilitation and oversight in the region’s transition toward a final political settlement, as determined by the principle of self-determination. This highlights the special and provisional status of Azad Kashmir within the larger context of the Kashmir dispute.

6. The Need for Enforcement and Understanding of Azad Kashmir’s Special Status

Given the historical, political, and legal context outlined above, it is crucial to understand and enforce the special status of Azad Kashmir, which is defined by both its legal framework and the internationally recognized process of determining the region’s future through a UN-supervised plebiscite. The region is not a fully integrated part of Pakistan, nor is it an independent entity; it exists in a unique and special status that acknowledges the temporary nature of its governance.

To ensure that Azad Kashmir's special status is respected, it is essential that Pakistan, India, and the international community continue to adhere to the principle of self-determination and uphold the UN’s role in facilitating a final resolution through a fair and impartial plebiscite. Any attempt to change this status unilaterally or to ignore the will of the Kashmiri people, as expressed through the plebiscite, would be a violation of the principle of international law and the rights of the people of Jammu and Kashmir.

Conclusion

Azad Kashmir’s special status is firmly embedded in both historical agreements and the legal framework of Pakistan. It is a provisional, autonomous, and self-governing entity with a temporary role until the final political status of the region is determined. The relationship between Azad Kashmir and Pakistan, and its future integration or independence, must ultimately be decided by the people of Jammu and Kashmir, as per the principle of self-determination enshrined in international law. Enforcing and respecting this special status is not only a matter of legal necessity but also of moral and political integrity in the pursuit of peace and justice for the people of Kashmir.

Dr. Syed Nazir Gilani

President JKCHR

09.01.2025

One may comment directly on Dr Nazir Gilani's post on Facebook here

I have pointed out that - ultimately - the people of AJK themselves have to find a way out of this limbo, which doesn't favour them at a practical level.

....

This evening's vlog on Facebook Live:

It is important that I - Tanveer Ahmed - do not just praise the public of #AJK for all its virtues and good deeds but that I point out its inherent weaknesses too. 

Without addressing these weaknesses, we will not be able to restore the people's #Right2Rule in this territory. 

A fundamental weakness in our people's thinking is their general attitude to public finance. They will publicly fund activity on a spontaneous, incidental, emotional or temporary basis but they will rarely even consider funding a prolonged institutional mechanism to address the ailments in #Governance , that they so often curse and criticise. 

Our people usually rely on miracles in this regard. 

#Conflict2Peace

#PublicPolicy

#PopularSovereignty

#1To100Economy

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E234209012025

....

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 6 of 2025

1100hrs:

6 hours later than I would have wanted but again - like yesterday - sleep evaded me until c. 0600hrs. I suppose I could've logged an entry before falling asleep but that condition is one where the mind and soul are neither awake nor asleep. 

This is also the second day that we've not had any sun, just chilly winds.

.... 

We continue to give reference to the words of Dr Nazir Gilani, as he is writing not too far from us in Rawalpindi, Pakistan:

Unique Kashmiri Identity

People of legend, song, and story

The people of Kashmir, as vividly described by Dr. P. Graham – UN Representative for India and Pakistan, represent a people of immense cultural, historical, and spiritual depth—“a people of legend, song, and story, associated with snow-capped mountains, beautiful valleys, and life-giving waters.” 

These words capture not just the geographical beauty of the region, but the very essence of the Kashmiri identity, which has been shaped by centuries of rich heritage, diverse cultural traditions, and a deep connection to the land. The people of Kashmir—comprising Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and Christians—have long lived as artisans, farmers, craftsmen, small traders, boatmen, and other labourers, contributing significantly to both the local economy and the broader cultural fabric of the region.

However, despite their historical contributions and the beauty of their land, the Kashmiri people have also endured great suffering. For centuries, they have been subjected to exploitation, conflict, and the imposition of foreign and often divisive political systems. The tragic irony is that the very land that has provided sustenance and livelihood has also been a battleground, where the hopes, dreams, and security of its people have been repeatedly undermined.

To understand the compelling argument for the rights and dignity of the Kashmiri people, it is important to consider the principles of self-determination, security, and dignity—core tenets of human rights enshrined in international law. The Kashmir dispute, at its heart, revolves around the right of the people of Kashmir to determine their own future free from external coercion or political imposition. Dr. Graham's description is a powerful reminder that the Kashmiri people are not a mere footnote in the broader geopolitics of the region but are, in fact, central to the discussion on self-determination.

1. The Right to Self-Determination

The right to self-determination is a fundamental principle of international law, codified in various United Nations resolutions, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The people of Kashmir, as Graham notes, have a unique identity shaped by centuries of distinct culture, language, and tradition. This cultural and historical uniqueness provides a strong argument for their right to decide their political future in accordance with their own will. Kashmiris, having endured a long history of external impositions, have been denied the opportunity to freely exercise this right.

The promise of a plebiscite—first envisioned by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) in 1948—was meant to give the Kashmiri people the chance to determine their own destiny. Yet, despite the passing of more than seven decades, this promise remains unfulfilled. Holding a free and impartial plebiscite under international supervision would allow the Kashmiri people to express their collective will in a fair, democratic process. The failure to implement this long-awaited measure only further entrenches the suffering of the people of Kashmir and denies them the basic dignity that comes with being able to shape their own future.

2. Security and Dignity

The issues of security and dignity are intimately connected. The people of Kashmir have lived through decades of violence, displacement, and disruption. Whether due to armed conflict, state repression, or military occupation, the Kashmiris have often found themselves caught in a struggle for survival, facing daily threats to their personal security, their cultural heritage, and their ability to live in peace. This reality has caused immense physical, psychological, and social trauma to generations of Kashmiris.

A solution to the Kashmir issue that genuinely addresses the aspirations of its people must prioritize their security—ensuring that they can live in peace without fear of violence, persecution, or displacement. In tandem with this, their dignity must be respected. As Graham’s description suggests, Kashmiris have long been victims of exploitation, both economically and politically. They deserve to live in an environment where their voices are heard, where their rights are protected, and where they are not marginalized or exploited for the political and economic gains of others.

3. International Recognition and Responsibility

The international community, particularly through the United Nations, has a moral and legal responsibility to ensure that the rights of the Kashmiri people are upheld. The United Nations itself recognized the need for a fair plebiscite, one that would allow the people of Kashmir to determine their political future in a manner consistent with their aspirations. As Dr. Graham suggests, this could become “a challenging example of the progressive values of self-determination to the dependent peoples of the earth.”

By fulfilling its commitment to holding a free and impartial plebiscite in Kashmir, the international community would send a powerful message to all peoples struggling for self-determination around the world. It would also demonstrate a commitment to human rights and justice, values that transcend national borders and serve as the bedrock of the international order.

4. A Future of Peace and Prosperity

The future of Kashmir, and the future of the people who call it home, should not be defined by the perpetual cycle of violence and exploitation. The only way forward is to create a path that recognizes the people of Kashmir as the central agents in determining their own fate. A free, secure, and impartial plebiscite offers the potential to break the chains of conflict and begin the process of healing, reconciliation, and rebuilding.

Should the people of Kashmir be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination, they would have the opportunity to create a future in which all communities—Muslim, Hindu, Sikh, and Christian—can live together in harmony, with mutual respect and shared prosperity. The region’s natural beauty, its rich cultural heritage, and its entrepreneurial spirit would become the foundation for a peaceful and vibrant society. This is not just a vision of hope but a practical reality that can be realized through the exercise of the Kashmiri people’s fundamental right to determine their own political future.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the argument for the rights, dignity, security, and self-determination of the Kashmiri people is grounded in both ethical imperatives and international law. The recognition of their right to determine their own future, through a free and impartial plebiscite, would honour the spirit of justice and human rights that the United Nations was created to uphold. The people of Kashmir have suffered too long under the weight of exploitation and conflict. It is time for the international community to help them reclaim their dignity, their security, and their right to a future defined by their own choices.

DR. Syed Nazir Gilani

President JKCHR

06.01.2025

One may comment directly on Dr Nazir Gilani's post on Facebook here

....

This evening's pre-midnight vlog on Facebook Live:

What we need and what our public is struggling to understand and even identify:

1) Population Census > Public Opinion 

By clarifying the people's 'Right to Rule. 

2) Political representation 

Marking out constituencies with roughly equal weightage of voter population, with political representatives who can abide by the will of the people as clarified in 1).

3) Citizen-State Contract

Technical & constitutional requirements for governance & statecraft to ensure transparency, inclusivity, meritocracy & accountability. 

4) A functioning government in AJK

It will immediately change its initials from AJK to JKA, which poses no threat to anybody and improves the economic well-being of its people 100 x over.

#Conflict2Peace

#PopularSovereignty

#PublicPolicy

#1To100Economy

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E234206012025

....

Daily Diary (DD) - Day 5 of 2025

1037hrs:

About 5 hours and 37 minutes later than I had intended. 

It is the sleeping routine that I need to address first and foremost. I couldn't get to sleep till 0400hrs and got up at 1000hrs. It is not the quantum of sleep that is troubling me but the timing of it. Let's see how it is addressed in the following days & weeks.

....

We hope that those of our co-citizens and southerly neighbours who have some how contrived from UNCIP Resolution II (5 January 1949) that self-determination can be restricted, may take the time to read the following post and get themselves duly educated:

Hello Kashmiris

Self-Determination Day

The argument about which date — April 21, 1948 (UN Security Council Resolution 47) or January 5, 1949 (UNCIP Resolution) — could be more suitably treated as Self-Determination Day for Kashmir is interesting. The following explanation remains in the field for those who follow the UN template on Kashmir:

Key Principles:

1. Article 1(2) of the UN Charter – Equality of Peoples and Self-Determination: Article 1(2) of the UN Charter states that the purpose of the United Nations is to promote international cooperation and to develop friendly relations among nations, based on the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples. This means that all peoples, regardless of their political status, have the right to freely choose their political status without coercion. For Kashmir, this principle of equality of peoples and the right to self-determination is central in any UN-backed solution.

2. U.S. Statement (1948) on the Kashmir Dispute: In 1948, the United States expressed a clear stance regarding the resolution of the Kashmir issue: if India and Pakistan were to reach a resolution, it should be consistent with the UN Charter and the right of the Kashmiri people to self-determination. The U.S. emphasized that any agreement between the two countries should not violate the rights of the Kashmiri people to choose their own future through a free and fair plebiscite. If India and Pakistan could not agree on a resolution, then the UN's plan — which included a plebiscite — should prevail. This reinforces the international community's endorsement of the right of self-determination for the Kashmiri people, suggesting that the UN framework remained the default solution.

________________________________________

Analysis of the Two Resolutions:

1. UN Security Council Resolution 47 of April 21, 1948:

o Historical Context: Resolution 47 was the first significant UN Security Council resolution addressing the Kashmir dispute. It came after India brought the matter to the UN in the wake of the 1947-48 war with Pakistan. The resolution called for a ceasefire, the withdrawal of Pakistani forces, and most importantly, it called for the establishment of a free and fair plebiscite to allow the Kashmiri people to decide their political future.

o Self-Determination Under the UN Charter: Resolution 47 directly tied the Kashmir issue to the right of self-determination, as stated in Article 1(2) of the UN Charter, which guarantees that all peoples have the right to determine their political status and pursue their economic, social, and cultural development. The resolution suggested that the people of Jammu and Kashmir should be able to freely decide whether they wished to join India, Pakistan, or remain independent — a decision that reflects the principle of equality of peoples and self-determination.

o Political Significance: The Resolution of April 21, 1948, was a pivotal moment for Kashmiri political groups, especially those advocating for self-determination, as it was the UN's first formal acknowledgment of the Kashmiri people's right to decide their future. This resolution set the stage for the plebiscite process, which would give the people of Kashmir the power to determine their political destiny in a manner consistent with the UN Charter's provisions for self-determination.

o Self-Determination Day Argument: For those advocating for self-determination, Resolution 47 (April 21, 1948) could be the most appropriate "Self-Determination Day" because it was the moment when the UN explicitly connected the Kashmir issue to the international principle of self-determination. This was the first official statement that endorsed the right of the Kashmiri people to choose their political future, making it a key date for those seeking to preserve and uphold this principle.

2. UNCIP Resolution of January 5, 1949:

o Historical Context: On January 5, 1949, the UN Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) issued a resolution that focused on establishing the Ceasefire Line (later known as the Line of Control, or LoC) and laid out the conditions necessary for a plebiscite to take place. The resolution reaffirmed the necessity of a free and fair plebiscite but primarily focused on the administrative and security conditions required to hold such a plebiscite.

o Self-Determination Under the UN Charter: The January 5 resolution reaffirmed the principle of self-determination in the sense that it provided a pathway for Kashmiris to express their will through the plebiscite, but it was more procedural. It did not bring forward any new principles related to the right of self-determination beyond what had already been outlined in Resolution 47.

o Political Significance: The Resolution of January 5, 1949 represented a step toward practical implementation of the UN plan for a plebiscite, but it didn’t change the fundamental international recognition of Kashmir’s right to self-determination as outlined in the earlier resolutions. The political significance of this date lies more in institutionalizing the framework for holding the plebiscite than in affirming new principles of self-determination.

o Self-Determination Day Argument: While the January 5, 1949 resolution was important for its administrative decisions regarding the plebiscite, it did not carry the same weight as Resolution 47 in terms of reaffirming the right of the Kashmiri people to determine their future. Therefore, from the perspective of self-determination, it is less significant in terms of marking a moment of international recognition of this right.

________________________________________

Integrating U.S. Statement and the Principle of Self-Determination:

• The U.S. statement from 1948 explicitly aligned itself with the right of self-determination as enshrined in the UN Charter. The statement indicated that any resolution of the Kashmir dispute, whether reached through bilateral negotiations or otherwise, must be consistent with the principles of the UN Charter, including the right of the Kashmiri people to choose their political future. This reaffirmed the view that self-determination was non-negotiable and that any attempt to resolve the dispute must respect the right of the people of Kashmir to decide their future through a plebiscite.

• In this context, Resolution 47 (April 21, 1948) stands out because it was the first international recognition of Kashmir's self-determination, echoing the principle of equality of peoples under Article 1(2) of the UN Charter. The U.S. statement aligns with this resolution, emphasizing that if India and Pakistan could not resolve the issue bilaterally, the UN's framework, including the plebiscite, should prevail. This underscores the continuing legitimacy of the self-determination process envisioned by the UN.

________________________________________

Conclusion:

• April 21, 1948 (UN Security Council Resolution 47) is the more appropriate "Self-Determination Day" for Kashmir, as it marks the first formal recognition of the Kashmiri people's right to self-determination under the UN Charter. It is consistent with the principle of equality of peoples in Article 1(2) and was endorsed by the U.S. statement emphasizing that any solution must respect this right. This resolution directly linked the Kashmir issue to the right of the people of Kashmir to determine their own future through a plebiscite, thus making it a foundational date in the pursuit of self-determination.

• The January 5, 1949 UNCIP resolution, while important for the implementation details of the plebiscite, does not carry the same foundational significance in affirming the right of self-determination as Resolution 47. Therefore, April 21, 1948, aligns more closely with the principles of self-determination and would be the preferred date for those advocating for Kashmir's right to self-determination as outlined in the UN Charter.

Dr. Syed Nazir Gilani

President JKCHR

 

05.01.2025

One may comment directly on Dr Nazir Gilani's post on Facebook here

....

A great furore has emerged over the AJK 'prime minister' Choudhary Anwaar ul Haque's public statement about facilitating 'Jihad' in Kashmir (Valley) once again, earlier today in Muzaffarabad:

I'm posting the video clip here directly for reference:

Perhaps the best riposte came from Raja Amjad Ali Khan (prominent advocate of Muzaffarabad) who wrote the following:

Translated thus: (I have added words in brackets for clarity and context, especially for those people not so aware of the machinations of the AJK 'Government')  

The real (actual) announcement is this:

If the creation's largest (ministerial) cabinet in proportion to its (territory's) population.....The (world's) largest bureaucracy...An army of government employees (whose employment has been) facilitated by bribes and (political) 'recommendations'...Conducting 'pleasure trips' throughout the world despite the territory's responsibility for foreign affairs (policy) being handed over (surrendered) to the Government of Pakistan...If this "State" (continues) to exist despite (the above-mentioned) enjoying themselves in all manner from the public exchequer (purse), then we must retain these "facilities" for our children, even if - instead of half - 90% of our population have to migrate for the purpose of seeking livelihood....Even if the natural resources of this territory are completely destroyed....Even if those who can't flee (from here) continue dying a painful death in the absence of (medical) treatment.....we will continue to stand by our mission (motto to exploit)...  

End of translation....

....

  

This evening's statement on Facebook Live:

I repeat from yesterday, a day before that, a day before that and a day before that:

We need to design, agree and implement a #CitizenStateContract as the people of #AJK . 

Otherwise, we have no grounds to negotiate or seek authenticity from the rest of #JKA , our neighbours #Afghanistan #China #India & #Pakistan or the rest of the world. 

I have also announced today, that if at least 1,000 of my co-citizens do not financially co-operate with me (provide a 10 year fixed deposit of the equivalent of £1,000 UK pounds, payable in installments over a period of one year) then on the 31st of December 2025, I will resign from all my public interest activities in AJK. 

#Conflict2Peace

#PopularSovereignty

#PublicPolicy

#1To100Economy

JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #E230005012025

....