The level of awareness is such that many cite American and Chinese competition in the region as a major influence on their present as well as future. While the Chinese are ubiquitous in terms of infrastructure building i.e roads, tunnels, bridges etc. as they pave the way for uninterrupted access to the warm water port of Gwadar in Baluchistan, the Americans were not shy in competing with the Chinese to provide relief to affectees of the Attabad land-sliding disaster earlier this year.
This is the summation of what I
gathered on my recent trip. I've gathered copious notes and have hours of
audio, a neat array of videos and a basket of photos to boot. Never have I
witnessed such a closed society to the outside world, a 'secret file' as one
local politician aptly put it. Being behind a 'wall' for the most part of
Pakistan's existence has generated such a pent up desire for progress amongst
the people of Gilgit Baltistan, that at times it seemed, their mere intent
would suddenly transform 'dead mountains' into pits of sapphire and uranium.
Superlatives aside, Gilgit Baltistan is
that part of the Dogra State (1846-1947) that along with Ladakh holds least
attention, whenever the 'Kashmir Issue' is discussed. This is despite (along
with Ladakh – administered by India) being geographically by far the largest
part of the erstwhile kingdom. If you put a knife to the State as if you were
cutting a cake that resembled the shape of Jammu and Kashmir State - as it was
known until the last third of the month of October 1947 - you would slice most
of what is north and east, barely leaving a fifth of what is left remaining of
the southwest.
Along with it's issue of lack of
proximity to the highly centralised capitals of Islamabad and New Delhi, it
also lacks in manpower what the rest of Kashmir (using the word generically)
makes up for with a population of c. 15.5 million (Jammu, the Valley and AJK combined)
compared to Gilgit-Baltistan-Ladakh's c. 2.5 million. The proportion of
land-mass to population is bizarrely inverse if all the aforementioned parts
are considered as two units of one whole.
Marginalisation in terms of
opportunities for education and upliftment that were apparent during Dogra rule
continued beyond 1947 as the area that became known as the 'Northern Areas' of
Pakistan was neither constitutionally a part of Pakistan (thus, no
representation in the latter's national assembly) and neither was it considered
a part of Kashmir or what became known as AJK (Azad/free Jammu Kashmir –
otherwise referred to as Pakistani-administered Kashmir). India's legal claim
and subsequent inactivity to enforce that claim has only added to the
confusion.
The urdu proverb "na teen me na
teraa me" (neither counted amongst the 3's or the 13's) is oft-cited to
give a nutshell depiction to an outsider.
Indeed, political awareness in the
region has had a latent element to it. Agreements between the Mirs of Hunza and
Nagar or between the Muslim Conference and the government of Pakistan (Karachi
Agreement of the 28th of April 1949), all
raise questions about the public legitimacy of these decisions, amongst the
increasingly politically aware Gilgit Baltistan population. Further, the manner
in which Pakistan cajoled the 'liberators' of this territory from Dogra Rule in
November 1947, to surrender their gains to Pakistan and their subsequent humiliating
demotion, is the basis of many a 'chai-ki-dukaan' (coffee-shop) discussion to
this day. For the record, the chief of the liberated territories Shahrez Khan
was demoted to a civil supply officer whilst his second-in-command Col. Hassan
Mirza was asked to undertake an entry test to rejoin the army.
As with many other disputed parts of
the world, information-sharing, awareness gathering and subsequent political
activism for basic rights has been a steep uphill task. It wasn't until 1967 that some semblance of a
political rights movement took root in the shape of Gilgit-Baltistan-Ladakh
Mutahhida Mahaz under the leadership of Johar Ali Advocate. Subsequent attempts
by the government of Pakistan to placate or address people's grievances or
needs are widely considered to be too little, too slow and in some cases too
late.
As with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s directly
elected council in 1974, the Legal Framework Order (LFO) of 1994, Musharraf’s
re-hashing of the latter in 2007 or the currently in
focus 'Gilgit Baltistan Empowerment Ordinance of 2009: the only people in support of these initiatives have been those who have directly benefitted from them. This leaves out most of the population, who not only have to make do with endemic institutional corruption and unavailability of a single medical, engineering, technical or other post-graduate college in the whole territory. They also have to endure taxation without representation; last year's newly-formed assembly does not possess the right to legislate on it’s natural resources, including water and minerals and for all intents and purposes, Pakistan’s executive in the shape of it's Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas (KANA) deals with all issues of governance.
focus 'Gilgit Baltistan Empowerment Ordinance of 2009: the only people in support of these initiatives have been those who have directly benefitted from them. This leaves out most of the population, who not only have to make do with endemic institutional corruption and unavailability of a single medical, engineering, technical or other post-graduate college in the whole territory. They also have to endure taxation without representation; last year's newly-formed assembly does not possess the right to legislate on it’s natural resources, including water and minerals and for all intents and purposes, Pakistan’s executive in the shape of it's Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas (KANA) deals with all issues of governance.
Whilst anger and frustation with Pakistan's
inability to deliver good governance to the
public of Gilgit Baltistan is clearly apparent, reservations about
'Kashmiris' and resentment for being an 'unheard' component of the 'Kashmir
Issue' are also inescapable. Some who have interacted over the years as
students and businessman with Kashmiris in the Pakistani cities of Karachi,
Multan and Quetta have explained a persistent negative propaganda campaign
against Kashmiris coupled by the closing of traditional routes within the
pre-1947 state; such as Skardu to Kargil, Astor to the Valley via Minimarg or
Shonter Pass to Muzaffarabad.
A lack of interaction between people of
the various parts of the erstwhile state have dented historic relationships as
much as they've created an air of inquisitiveness and yearning to re-kindle old
ties, not to mention a fresh vigour to initiate trade links.
The repression that the people have
undergone since 1947 signified by restriction of educational/economic
opportunity and their liberty being subordinate to the geo-political priorities
of others, has led many to envision an independent country free of Pakistan as
well as Kashmir. Many a historic name is invoked for this state including
Bolore, Balawaristan, Karakoram and Dardistan. What is clear is that those who
consider themselves politically progressive in approach are open to ideas as
long as their region with all it's various ethnicities, languages, natural
resources and trade routes are not subject to hegemonic design by others;
including Kashmir. What many are not clear about is the exact geographic
definition of their territory and likewise don't possess a road-map for their
political future. Nevertheless, whatever their future political shape or
association may be, they would be keen to ensure an opt-out clause that could
prevent them from entering into another morass.
It was encouraging to see efficient
utilisation of their land for agricultural output, with cherry and almond trees
commonly visible in most regions. That is despite their weak wholesale
bargaining position i.e. as they could only sell to Pakistani buyers, they had
little control over the price they were paid. In a similar manner, their lack
of educational facilities couldn't hide their keen-ness to learn. Further, the
multi-tude of intelligence agencies watching every public move didn't deter
them from expressing themselves. What was less encouraging was the sight of old
Hindu and Buddhist temples in ruins and the lack of apparent public will to
restore them to their original state.
The level of awareness is such that
many cite American and Chinese competition in the region as a major influence
on their present as well as future. While the Chinese are ubiquitous in terms
of infrastructure building i.e roads, tunnels, bridges etc. as they pave the
way for uninterrupted access to the warm water port of Gwadar in Baluchistan,
the Americans were not shy in competing with the Chinese to provide relief to affectees
of the Attabad land-sliding disaster earlier this year. The latter are also
busy in sending out expeditions to locate many an untouched mineral and
precious stone deposit, in those 'dead mountains' that have often characterised
Gilgit Baltistan.
...
The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com
This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 1st of December 2010
I received a response on this article from a Kashmiri Pandit journalist, based in Delhi. Here are his remarks:
Dear Mr Sahaafi Sahib
I read ur piece on GB. It is really a matter of concen for the people like us. World is progressing but our regions are going to stone age.
As mediapersons it is our duty to raise the issues at any available platform.
I shall be obliged if u could mail me ur pictures along with the GB area so that we can highlight the issue more prominently.
Regards
R C GANJOO
Journalist
New Delhi (INDIA)
...
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