Day 118 and no, the internet code hasn't quite cracked yet.
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Meanwhile, the following is what I wrote last night:
The political crisis in AJK has an (external) legal & (internal) administrative solution.
The following journey has been repeated in this territory a few times since 1947 and most particularly since the emergence of Jammu Kashmir Joint Awami Action Committee #JK #JAAC in May 2023.
From reacting to internal problems:
مذمت
'Muzammat' (Condemnation) &
مزاحمت
'Muzaahamat' (Resistance)
To seeking external solutions:
مطالبات
'Mutaalibaat' (Demands) &
مذاکرات
Muzaakaraat (Negotiations)
It has been a journey with some notable achievements & many sacrifices by our people but to borrow a metaphor, "the dog has remained in the well".
We also need to break this recurring loop.
From failing to achieve external solutions:
مطالبات
'Mutaalibaat' (Demands) &
مذاکرات
Muzaakaraat (Negotiations)
To succeed in finding internal solutions:
مرمت
'Murammat' (corrective measures) &
حکومت
'Hukumat' (administration, government)
From
external demand
رائے شماری
'Rai-Shumari' (Plebiscite)
To
internal responsibility
مردم شماری
'Mardum-Shumari' (Population Census)
External problem: British colonial legacy (not United Nations)
Internal problem: We - the people - for trying to use the power & influence of others for personal benefit or to minimise our own responsibilities while surrendering the most precious territory in the world at the lowest cost possible.
In this (attached/tagged) PDF, mention is made of all notable figures who made a public interpretation of the Indian Independence Act 1947 (IIA1947) with reference to the future of princely States, in the wake of its announcement on the 3rd of June 1947.
All notable figures were referenced from a book written by Professor M Arif Khan of Kataar in Dadyaal.
It is also to be noted that this (colonial) constitutional document (out of which emerged India & Pakistan) obviously preceded United Nations involvement (which has not closed its involvement to date) and the basic question we wish to put to an appropriate court in the UK, is with reference to clear British colonial involvement and execution of the acts of invading Jammu & Kashmir via Pakistan (using aggression) and India (using intrigue), remembering that according to a well known interpretation of IIA1947, the British neither retained the power to transfer any princely State to either India or Pakistan (that power to transfer was specific to those areas directly ruled by Britain hitherto) or to retain power itself.
Yes, we most certainly require a constitutional lawyer in the UK to provide a contemporary interpretation of IIA1947 and how that interpretation may be put to an appropriate UK court; as suggested by Barrister M Asif Khan of Bihaari, Dadyaal.
While we continue this important search I would like to make 2 suggestions that maybe more immediately processed:
1) To request Professor M Arif Khan to either write or video broadcast on this theme/subject and enlighten us further on this critical piece of research. That may even motivate a constitutional lawyer in the UK to participate in this exploration towards peaceful conflict resolution in Jammu & Kashmir as a whole.
2) The current impasse in AJK (117 days into an imposed war by the Pakistani State in reaction to assertion of rights by JK JAAC, as on 29 September 2026) has legal implications, which have yet to be explored from a #RightsMovementAJK perspective. Developing legal clarity in matters of security viz a viz Pakistan's military presence in the territory, who effectively have a monopoly on deciding who can carry arms to protect the life, wealth & honour of citizens, which they manipulate to sustain an endemically corrupt system of governance; can pave the way for a people's self-designed/choreographed administrative solution to this impasse.
Self-determination as timely action rather than a propagandised aspiration.
Can any of you assist in this regard?
In all the written and spoken information/wisdom/analysis that this independent researcher has come across while being present in Rawalakot since the 10th of June 2026 (112 days), there has been a great improvement in 'public interest thinking' at large and even the quality of artistic impression has also improved manifold from preceding years & decades, yet very little has been produced in terms of local/indigenous/people-centric solutions that propose legal/constitutional/administrative measures. Almost everybody - in some shape or form - makes what this writer describes as colonial assumptions about the 'writ of the State' and sovereignty.
Given the parallels of Pakistan on 5th June 2026 and India on 5th August 2019 it would also be naive to try to dissect the people's right to rule prerogative from their efforts to obtain their rights.
If Pakistan & India or for that matter Great Britain followed due procedure viz. IIA1947, they would have consulted & obtained the consent of the people of J & K before sending in armies to practically subdue the people in 1947.
The people of the State of Jammu & Kashmir have also repeatedly erred in their response. Even in a state of enforced division; aided by militarily enforced limits on expression, movement, assembly, association and recourse to law (including international law where appropriate) they could have agreed on an internal public contract with each other (aiming for 90% of any given part of the divided State) and made that clear to the world before making transparent & peaceful attempts to assert their authority in an administrative manner.
We - the people - have repeatedly sought exclusive licence and authority from the rest of the world. Perhaps even sought privileges to rule or run business from our neighbours or even larger powers in the world, at the cost of public interest. We - the people - have externally sought confirmation of our existence as individuals, parties, movements or whatever organisational format we could adjust ourselves in; again at great cost to our State.
Yet we didn't ever seek confirmation from each other. We didn't choreograph the shape of our own authority. That is perhaps why we clamoured for 'Rai-Shumari' from the world, without realising that conducting 'Mardum-Shumari' ourselves - in co-operation with each other - was always the secret to navigating away from conflict (and competing claims to our State), towards a locally designed peace that we would all sustain (at least 90%) because simply our lives and the lives of our future generations would totally depend on it.
JKA PUBLIC AGENCY Note: #ELA234229092026
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