A Journey in Jammu Kashmir & Allied areas (JKA)............................ from Subject to Citizen .........autocracy to democracy .........Dogra Raaj to Awaami Raaj .........1947 CE to........................... #WhiteFlags #Neutrality #WaterManagement #MirpurtoLondonviaCentralAsia
Visitors
Wednesday, 1 June 2011
Of nationalists and loyalists
Thursday, 26 April 2018
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 116 of 2018
Damn.....net speed or my absent-mindedness or too consumed in other work.......???
“People shouldn't be afraid of their government. Governments should be afraid of their people.”— Rizwan Ali (@Sheikh_Miyagi) April 25, 2018
― Alan Moore, V for Vendetta @NoJoe20 @sahaafi @AKLM_Official @islamnummah @kashmir_eye @TahirAbbas_ @ForwardPartners #ajk
Today, we took the struggle of Mahmood Ahmed Musafir to the podium at Central Bar Association - Muzaffarabad. His speech was followed by me summarising the constitutional history of our territory and explaining the importance of freedom of speech, amongst other concepts. In fact, here's a bullet list of points that I made for my speech:
- In order to get the world to take us (The citizens of Jammu & Kashmir) seriously, we need to develop a consensus on public policy in our territory - with a clearly defined narrative - which reflects public opinion here.
- Jo khud apney hal ke liye jad o jehd karey usi ko dunya tawajo deti hay..na ke wo jo insaani huqooq ki khilaf warzi khud karey - dunya us ki wakaalat par tawajo de.....
(Translation: The world only gives attention to those who take the initiative to struggle for a solution...not those who commit human rights violations themselves - for the world does not take their advocacy seriously)
- Public opinion & future decision of territory...layers of hijack in sequence.
- To address our lack of agency, our public have never done tasks in sequence here...or read or understood in sequence either....
- K H Khursheed - most important politician to study - for forward movement in AJK
- Sardar Qayoom - If you want to study how AJK regressed. Cite example of 'Operation 70'....of 1990s - 10 nationalists times 7 districts (at time).
- Maharajah's stance:
For Jammu & Kashmir to be neutral like Switzerland
From autocracy to symbolic monarchy like Great Britain (United Kingdom) while transferring powers to Praja Sabha (People's Assembly).
We need to study documents of communication between State of J & K and British India pre 1947.
1947 timeline:
Beginning of Poonch Rebellion.....instability invoked/created.
Indian Independence Act - 3 June announcement
7.2 ...Rulers deciding fate
Jinnah Sb's press info on 17 June...a constitutional expert's interpretation validating independence.
Standstill Agreement (an instrument of IIA)....understand...constitutional relationship starts here...how was that broken?
Pakistan's role...breaking agreement through witholding supplies and creating instabilty in State.
August Partition
India's role....Changing from pro-independence PM of J & K State Ram Chander Kak to Indian Gen Janak Singh..then in October replacing him with M C Mahajan who was part of Radcliffe's team that divided Punjab. Who now prepares de facto extension of that 'Radcliffe Line' through the State of J & K.
4 October...Announcement of 'Revolutionary Government' for Jammu & Kashmir
'Farzi naam' (superficial names of cabinet members)...announced in some hotel in Pakistan. Dubious in almost every sense.
22 October...
Qabaili (Tribal) attack from Pakistan
24 October.....Fresh Announcement of 'Revolutionary Government' for Jammu & Kashmir at Junjaal Hill - Palandri in what became the basis for AJK or Azad Kashmir.
False statements in declaration:
1) We have taken control of most of state....
2) Non muslims will be consulted..
27 October
Indian role - Moundbatten - proviso of people's decision when peace returns
1948
UN - not our forum (yet?)
1949
Karachi Agreement - 28 April (info made public many months later according to Sneddon...Sardar Ibrahim also gave conflicting statements about it.
Karachi Agreement - 27 July - An agreement between the militaries of India and Pakistan - which is the basic uderstanding of mutually agreeing to control the population of J & K on either side.
1) Hard power compared to soft power
2) Muslims...Non Muslims....discussion debate....
3) Water use...key technology but attention deficit...both India and Pakistan extremely inefficient in managing water..so is rest of world proportionately.
Singapore has done extensive research on water management.
World media and academia, think-tanks....not paying enough attention to these concepts.
- Freedom of Expression is methodology....not any specific ideology
(It happens to be No.11 of Mahmood Ahmed Musafir's 32 demands)
It also directly relates to the concept of self-determination
- I don't like terminologies like nationalist, tabqaati jad o jehd (class struggle), samraaj/mazdoor (imperial/ploretariat) etc...
- We are all citizens....and our organisational formation for a solution should voluntarily include each and every citizen...in the given defined territory (of AJK)...ascertained through State Subject Rule 1927.
- Trying to mobilise political party formation for delivery is impossible...politicking will damage any good work in public interest.
- Having grip of identifying difference between personal interest and public interest
- Change Dynamics
'Outside in' compared to 'Inside out'....latter is our approach using following 2 concepts
OBMs (Ownership-Building Measures) and Public Agency
- Have to streamline public opinion - to create genuine indigenous public policy.
- 1,000 most significant citizens proportional to tehsil population need to be identified and pitched..to develop a consensus in AJK
- There are 3 established means of ascertaining public opinion:
1) Elections - Under military occupation whereby format is designed and controlled by occupying power
2) Referendum - UK Brexit and Scottish Independence examples and how they were different from election results
3) Public Opinion Survey - cite example of Northern Ireland talks...survey used to advance table talk on peace..and develop agreement after many decades of conflict
Soft Power (What is it in the context of AJK?)
Make genuine space for religious minorities of our state in AJK
Examples:
1) Sharda for Kashmiri Pandits....boost civilization and economy...cite AJK Supreme Court Verdict....which became news on the 8th of February when Shujaat Bukhari wrote in Pakistan's Friday Times..
Quote Raja Farooq Haider and Pakistani Army opposition to Pandit re-entry (to Sharda) during discussion in 2010...
Interestingly, all my meetings with him have been while he was in opposition. I phoned his secretary last year..who put down phone when I asked for an appointment.
When I tried to contact Sardar Masood around the same time - his military sec/attache didn't give me an appointment.
2) Ali Beg Gurdwara for Sikhs of J & K - near district border of Bhimber and Mirpur (in close proximity to Upper Jhelum Canal)
- Meanwhile, an effort is being made to contact 650 MPs in UK Parliament..a 3 page document written by me has been circulated...to invoke a response and lobby for discussion in parliament.
- Question for Switzerland:
How much does it cost to pay for a neutral State?
- White flags in Azaadi Chowk - Muzaffarabad will send most powerul message to the world that we are ready for a solution.
- Open up narrative debate: (Competition between 3 nationalist narratives)
Create genuine public space
i.e. If someone in AJK can work for Pakistan, then how can working for India here be a crime? Particularly in the context of Pakistan's narrative that 'Kashmiris have only 2 options in the UN'.
- There is a lot of pent up intellectual curiosity in AJK...Educated members of the public desperately want to latch onto a constructive model for thinking and imagining a solution but can't see it even if it were decorated like a Pakistani truck.
That constructive model exists but needs an academic forum to discuss....and be cross-examined.
- Civil Society here doesn't have access to any international institution. Not even the United Nations Department for Political Affairs or UNMOGIP (Created by the disbanded UNCIP which in turn emerged via UN Security Council Resolution No. 47 of 21 April 1948)
Where's the space and scope for peaceful activism here?
- On 18th April, even Theresa May probably forgot to mention the wishes of the people of Jammu and Kashmir, in her hurried and tired response to a question from the opposition bench in parliament.
Finally, it should be mentioned that a sweet and sour bulldozer was metaphorically used by the AJK Government to combat Mahmood Ahmed Musafir's genuine quest for basic public service delivery here.
In my opinion, talks on Monday the 23rd April with the AJK Govt were merely the 2nd round of a boxing match of 12 rounds....
End..
Note:
Not all the points were mentioned due to lack of time (13 minutes). The above as stated at the outset of my speech are points more suited for an academic forum. At the end of my speech, I urged the lawyers of Muzaffarabad to help the rest of civil society arrange such a discussion at AJK University - Muzaffarabad. More importantly, for Mahmood Ahmed Musafir and his unique struggle.
Friday, 22 February 2019
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 53 of 2019
Meanwhile, I found the following interview on JKTV even more riveting. Dibyesh Anand is an expert on modern colonialism and thus his views on Jammu & Kashmir need to be taken very seriously. Our traditional nationalists have much to learn from his educated wisdom:
...
Tuesday, 11 February 2020
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 42 of 2020
The Pakistani Army Under Scrutiny in Khuiratta - AJK 11/01/20 https://t.co/C64MBKW7zh via @YouTube— Tanveer Ahmed (@sahaafi) February 11, 2020
Here are some photos taken at the scene:
| A View of the Pakistani Army Camp in Bandli Khuiratta from the Abducted Girl's Home |
| A Close-up View of the Pakistani Army Camp |
| Raja Anwar - the Abducted Girl's Ailing Father Bedridden since his Daughter's Abduction |
This most important day in the calendar for what are described as 'nationalists' in AJK was spent in Muzaffarabad:
........
The German broadcaster remains alert on public activity in AJK:
.....
Tuesday, 30 April 2024
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 121 of 2024
Monday, 21 February 2022
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 52 of 2022
ہم سمجھتے ہیں کہ وزیر دفاع پاکستان کوٹلی کی ضلعی انتظامیہ پر دباؤ ڈال رہے ہیں کہ تنویر صاحب کو جلد از جلد کوٹلی چوک سے ہٹا دیا جائے۔ اسی وجہ سے اسسٹنٹ کمشنر نے دھمکی دیا کہ اگر @sahaafi رضاکارانہ طور پر نہ گئے تو انہیں زبردستی ہٹایا جائے گا۔#StandWithSahaafi #StandWithTanveer pic.twitter.com/I1D0igbdTd
— AKLM_0FFICIAL_URDU (@AKLM_0FFICIAL) February 21, 2022
اسسٹنٹ کمشنر اور انکے ساتھیوں کے ساتھ کیخلاف مکمل احتجاج کرنا چاہیے ورنہ آزاد ریاست کا کیا مطلب
— BABAR NAZIR🍁🍁 (@Baba_r2) February 21, 2022
Wednesday, 25 May 2011
A 21st century politician
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| Nawaz Khan Naji on Facebook |
Nawaz Khan Naji is the best of what is visible and tangible, a politician hailing from the northwestern part of the erstwhile State of Jammu & kashmir, has campaigned on the outstanding national question of his people and clinically won an election, against all odds
In an era and a region where every politician is interested in capturing the best of what is visible and tangible, a politician hailing from the northwestern part of the erstwhile State of Jammu & kashmir, has campaigned on the outstanding national question of his people and clinically won an election, against all odds.
On April 28 (A date famous for the Karachi Agreement in 1949 when leaders of the Muslim Conference are thought to have effectively deferred control of Gilgit-Baltistan-Ladakh to the Pakistani Government) this year: Nawaz Khan Naji, the founder and supreme head of his faction
of the Balawaristan National Front, won a byelection in his home constituency of Ghizer (L-A 19) and thereby became a member of the Gilgit Baltistan Legislative Assembly. This despite a political agenda that directly questions Pakistan's occupation of the territory and being head of a party that espouses the total independence of Gilgit, Baltistan and Ladakh. He aspires for their re-emergence into a re-union of "Highland People" under the nostalgic name of Balawaristan.
The geographic demarcation of Balawaristan would include all areas referred to as the 'Northern Territories' during Dogra Rule and include Shenaki Kohistan and Chitral at the very least (which are currently considered to be constitutionally a part of Pakistan and thus included as part of Khyber Pakhtoonkhwa province). Many people in these territories certainly describe themselves as part of the 'Kashmir Issue' but the vast majority of those that this writer has interacted with, do not consider themselves as a part of the erstwhile Dogra State, not on their volition at any rate.
Returning to possibly the most principled, humble and connected politician who propogates that vision - Nawaz Khan Naji – who happens to be a leading authority on the geography of the region too, considers the above geo-political re-configuration to be his first choice. It should be noted that his secondary choice involves a settlement close to the vision espoused by Kashmiri nationalists of
returning to the configuration under Dogra Rule.
Naji hails from humble origins – his father was a lower middle-class farmer in his home village of Sher Qilah in District Ghizer – and he still lives in the modest 'desi' home built by his father. His
committment to his cause has kept him unmarried, he is now 50. So intense has been his political life since 1989 when he produced a manifesto and launched Balawaristan National Front with a few friends. A second of three books followed, probingly entitled "Kashmir ka Chowtha Fareeq (Fourth party of Kashmir dispute). An intolerant regime inevitably tried to curtail his creative political ideas and put him up in jail for more than three months on a couple of occasions, usually under the colonial remnant of section 124(a). This electoral win was his third attempt at testing the prevailing power structure since 2004.
The by-election came about because the then incumbent Pir Syed Ali Shah was ironically (as may become apparent in due course) nominated by Pakistan's Prime Minister as the new Governor of Gilgit Baltistan (after the death of the previous Governor Dr. Shama Khalid). Nawaz Khan Naji's
party cadre contend that their leader would have won the original election in November 2009 if the ruling federal party (PPP) in collusion with Pakistan's clandestine agencies hadn't formented a 'law and order' situation. A seventeen year old BNF party worker Zubair, was also killed in the melee. The ruling party's candidate won by a mere 24 votes. Naji filed a suit in pursuit of justice but to no avail.
His victory is remarkable on many counts, apart from the obvious national one. His two main opponents represented each of the main political parties in Pakistan. The PPP's candidate Eng. Jawahir Ali Khan was reported to be openly supported by both the federal government of Pakistan as well as the governing structure in Gilgit Baltistan. PML(N) was represented by Col. Karim, a descendent of the former ruling family of the region and reportedly backed by the military establishment.
A little more than a month before polling day, Nawaz Khan Naji was arrested and jailed along with party cadre on the March 22. Incessant public protest ensured his release on the fourth day of detention. Some party workers remained detained for 28 days whilst one worker continues to languish in detention under the previously cited section 124(a).
Various sops including cash up to 10 crore for development schemes, wheat, potato seeds and fertiliser were also pushed aside by a committed electorate, carefully nurtured to understand the larger, long term picture by a man who could possibly be regarded as a legitimate standard-bearer of 21st century politics.
There is a clear argument that Naji was able to mobilise the youth to campaign for him round the clock. He won without finances, 'national' party backing or administrative support. Many regard his victory as being far more profound than the winning of a mere constituency seat.
They consider it epic and him iconic for achieving it despite the odds.
The victory was emphatic to boot. 8,399 votes polled for him, 5,200 for PML(N)'s candidate, with the ruling party's (PPP) candidate bagging just 4,400. Some go as far as to regard this victory as unprecedented in the post-47 political configurations of Gilgit, Muzaffarabad, Srinagar and Jammu. "Nawaz Khan Naji is the first (overtly nationalist) politician to win an election devised by occupying forces with his own party flag and manifesto", stated one party official.
Like all great stories, a word or two of caution are in order. Criticism levelled by the other faction of the Balawaristan National Front (led by the exiled Abdul Hameed Khan in Belgium) may attribute Naji's victory to under-the-table compromise with the prevailing power structure, that may not be immediately apparent. Others may quote the example of Muzzafar Relley who started as a nationalist before altering direction to become a loyalist of the former Pakistani President Musharraf's party, namely PML (Q).
Whether he accedes to the prevailing 'status quo' and thereby (in)directly legitimises the presence of Pakistan or utilises this platform to address the 'national question' just as he has done for the past 23 years at various national and international fora- while addressing issues of governance for his constituency - will no doubt prove to be a challenge he has yet to surmount. Nevertheless, his victory possibly indicates the intensity of feeling in his constituency about the state of political affairs that prevail over them. Historic reasoning mixed with the confidence that real positive change is possible, appears to have overcome the dire socio-economic reality that blinds most voters of the so-called 'developing world'.
Nawaz Khan Naji is conspiciously clear that a lack of education amongst the populace of Gilgit Baltistan prevents the formation of a genuine national consensus. He also recognises what un-natural impediments lie ahead in charting this course. Most certainly, he would need to be doing most of the convincing in the national assembly if he is to genuinely emerge as a 21st century politician that other politicians may - in time to come - aspire to emulate.
...
The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com
This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 25th of May 2011
Monday, 3 January 2011
Assembly Elections in AJK cannot take place in 2011
The following two paragraphs from a Human Rights Watch Report tantalisingly entitled, "With Friends Like These..." published on September the 21st 2006, are enough to support my assertion:
"Information, particularly about the human rights situation, governance, the rule of law, and the institutions that hold real power in Azad Kashmir is more important than ever as the territory rebuilds and, by necessity, opens up to the international community in the aftermath of the earthquake. In the coming years, international engagement with the territory is likely to be intense. For that engagement to be effective and beneficial to the people of Azad Kashmir, it is essential that international actors approach the territory with an awareness of its particular history and its fraught, often tense and unhappy relationship with the Pakistani state in general and the Pakistani military in particular.
Azad Kashmir is a legal anomaly.
Wednesday, 30 November 2022
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 334 of 2022
0533hrs:
Day 178 at Maqbool Bhat Shaheed Square - Dadyaal.
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| 0439hrs |
We are making further changes in our daily routine. A morning walk at 0400hrs has been initiated today. This picture was taken whilst returning home.
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| 0757hrs |
Sunday, 19 September 2010
Towards a neutral Kashmir
| Intent in English |
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| Intent in Urdu |
This was the first of what were a series of weekly opinion pieces for the Srinagar-based English daily 'Rising Kashmir'..........The weekly opinion title was later described as 'Across LOC' in January 2011...
Glasnost fueled by youtube, facebook, blogger, twitter and others has brought us to a point in history where the people of Kashmir can either grasp a well-laid opportunity to dictate their own political future or continue languishing in the almost un-interrupted existential angst that has dogged them since the Moghul emperor Akbar's conquest in 1586.
Events in the past year - in particular – have contained all ingredients bar a road-map for governance and a clear definition of our national question. The attempt here is to do just that; or at the very least, give a pointer to the direction that the generic Kashmiri community (looking beyond the Vale too) must face in order to fulfill it's collective aspiration of making it's free will paramount in the whole scenario.
The following adjectives come immediately to mind: neutral, independent, integrated, transparent and engaged.
Neutral so that our territory is not subjected to the needs of others. That we don't become the proverbial pawns on a geo-strategic chessboard. An Independent status is absolutely necessary for us to take full responsibility for our actions and the fate of our destiny. Defining our territory necessitates that we remain united and integrated. The requirements of modern day good governance insist that our public representatives are transparent in what they do in our name. Engagement of all our citizens in the development of our territory within and with the global community - to meet our current human resource deficiency as well as to explore opportunity - is similarly indispensable.
What our most direct occupiers viz. Pakistan and India have proved on ample occassions throughout their occupation since October 1947, is that they cannot simulate their security mind-set with the increasing urge of our population for civil space. Their fascination with the 18th and 19th century nation -state of Europe has not withered over time. While they exploited communal chasms within our community and thus laid the basis for our division, they utilised whatever energy and resources they could muster (enfeebling their own masses as well as ours in the process) to sustain their occupation. It's a zero sum game. Our needs and objectives cannot possibly tally with theirs. Pakistan's use of the territory they refer to as AJK (Azad Jammu Kashmir) as a forward military position (and launchpad) and India's response to subsume the Vale of Kashmir into a giant military cantonment - with it's inherent repression - left virtually nothing for a 5,000 year old civilisation to grasp onto.
Discussing and mapping out our future necessitates underlying where the battle-lines should be drawn. On one side of the barrier are the perils of brute military force and their roving clandestine agencies, Machiavellian realpolitik and local opportunistic facilitators of the occupation. On the other side are the genuine students of our integrated history, the public activists hell-bent on creating civil space and those working day and night to bring to life a format for transparent, accountable, representative, non-discriminatory and meritocratic governance.
Furthermore, Kashmiris should realise that drawing our roadmap involves conceptualising a vision of re-shaping the region from the Trans-Karakoram Tract to Trivandrum. The public of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh would be instant beneficiaries of an Indo-Pak military withdrawal from Kashmir. The phase of concealed governance allied with exhorbitant defence expenditure would give way to a relocation of resources towards human development. The tragedy of the Kashmir imbroglio has been a net disaster for the whole region save a small section of the total population: which now amounts to close on 1.5 billion.
While the suggestion for our southerly neighbours would be to move towards small federations (for ease of representative governance), it would also by logical extension require the re-integration of Punjab and Bengal. After all, the partition of 1947 not only vertically split hitherto integrated territories in two, it also gave authenticity (sic.) to the two-nation theory. A theory that has proved a bane for us in Kashmir and which many of us still cannot see beyond.
In our pursuit of defining our national question and developing a structure of good governance, it is imperative that we begin by defining and agreeing on the outlines and contours of our territory. Does it refer to the oft-cited 84,471 square miles of territory quoted by nationalists? Is it the Treaty of Amritsar defined east of Indus and west of Ravi? Does it include Shenaki Kohistan? Chitral? Hazara or even Murree? Obviously, far from the writer deciding, this point must be discussed through public forums and a conclusion drawn, based on the will of the people in all the areas aforementioned.
The suggestion for structure of governance involves organising the territory (confederation) into three units. Jammu in the south (which could include the superficially demarcated territory currently referred to as AJK – upto Poonch), the Vale in the centre (which could include the districts of Muzaffarabad, Neelam and Hattian in it's jurisdiction) and the Northern Territories (re-naming it appropraitely if they so desire) comprising of Gilgit to it's west, Baltistan at it's centre and Ladakh in it's east.
The three units of the confederation would each have an assembly (suggestion is Jammu, Srinagar and Skardu respectively) which would exercise full fiscal control, first right over their natural and human resources and in all other matters of governance. Each unit would also have an independent judiciary, including a higher appellate court. Only those matters which are of collective concern to the whole confederation would be decided by an Upper House (Council) that would have proportionate representation from each unit (based on a combination of land mass and size of population). This Upper House would rotate it's sitting throughout the confederation i.e four months of the year in each unit.
At this point it may be appropriate to describe the caveat (or more pointedly) subterfuge periodically exercised by India and on rare occassion by Pakistan vis-a-vis defence, communications and foreign affairs. This is an outdated ploy and totally irrelevant (autonomy minus 3 if you will) to our current predicament. The people of Kashmir (the term is used generically to refer to the whole territory. Jammu and Kashmir is a legacy of Dogra rule, as they belonged to Jammu. This term discounts the Northern Territories from it's title, is slightly complicating and by using Kashmir, we not only simplify our name, it gives ownership to the rest of us who don't hail from the Vale). It is important to note that this caveat was introduced by the outgoing 'British Raj' doled out for the purposes of not inviting a whole deluge of sovereign States to announce their independence in the wake of the 3rd of June 1947 - Indian Independence Act (announcement). A different time, place, context and rationale, utterly untenable in our scenario.
Meanwhile, the genuine concerns of the non-muslim minority which includes Hindus, Buddhists and Sikhs amongst others, could best be addressed (as well as the schisms between Sunnis, Shias, Ismailis and NoorBakshis. Not forgetting the differences amongst Sunnis viz. Barelwis, Deobandis, Salafis, Ahle-e-Hadith etc.) by not including any reference to Islam in the constitution. It is crucial that every sect, denomination and religious group feels free to exercise their faith un-hindered. It is equally important that no preference or discrimination occurs in matters of justice, economic opportunity and delivery of security. Scope for positive discrimination would be provided for those marginal groups or classes of people that have been historically marginalised or neglected.
In order to bring ourselves to the point where serious re-integration and re-definition of our territory is concerned, it is important that activism continues to penetrate through the suffocating structures imposed by our occupiers. This must be done in a civil (orderly and peaceful) manner, taking cue and inspiration from the young Valley-ites that donated their life for this cause, throughout this summer. Taking communal or sectarian positions or partaking in concealed activity that emboldens our occupiers is a clear no-no.
For those amongst us who facilitated the occupiers - and by consequence - who have benefitted from the diabolic structures put up by the latter, must be prepared to face a new environment of transparency and introspection, albeit in a civil manner. They should realise that honour, dignity and respect of a people (nation) is directly related to their conduct and integrity amongst their fellow citizens as well as with the global public at large. They should also bear in mind that their anxiety about slim economic opportunity is a direct consequence of the occupation. When we are free, accountable and responsible, we will come to realise the abundance of economic opportunities awaiting us.
The final part of this commentary should focus on geo-politics and the harsh reality of Chinese insecurity, American anxiety, Indian fear, Russian timidity and Pakistani foolishness that acts as a collective stumbling block to our freedom. This is what public power (via peaceful agitation) has to overcome. Furthermore, an independent and neutral Kashmir must find appeal and objectivity not only with the masses of India and Pakistan but with the global community at large.
Whilst understanding that the most important geo-strategic stumbling block to our path to freedom is the economic tussle between China and the U.S.A in our midst (India and Pakistan have a secondary role in that respect), it is with determined hope that this writer - in various deliberations with important stake-holders in the international community - has found mild favour with the concept of a neutral and independent Kashmir, nestled in the middle of Asia.
The difficulty is in the implementation of course. Our people would do well to study the similarities between Switzerland and Kashmir, particularly it's role as a facilitator for conflict resolution in war-ravaged Europe.
In short, balancing and harnessing the needs and potential of Asia with the addressing of our historical exposure to foreign military forces by forming a neutral Kashmir would lead to a natural equilibrium.
...
The writer is a writer, broadcaster and activist working for civil society development in Pakistani-administered Kashmir and can be mailed at sahaafi@gmail.com
This article was first published in Rising Kashmir (a Srinagar-based English daily) on the 24th of November 2010
This article was re-titled as "The United Federation of Jammu and Kashmir" on December the 3rd 2010 by Vijay Sazawal, a Kashmiri Pandit living in the USA and running a website named Kashmirforum.org
He also commented that:
"Tanveer’s sense of idealism may be a bit unrealistic, but his love for motherland is unquestioned."
The article can be read at the following link:
http://www.kashmirforum.org/united-federation-of-jammu-and-kashmir/
Sunday, 6 November 2022
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 310 of 2022
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| 0752hrs |
Daily Diary (DD) - Day 277 of 2026
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Muhammad Ali Murtaza in his unsealed coffin Kotli – Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) Thu. 21/02/13 Born in Lahore to a Sufi (Br...







